Minute on Education by Thomas Macaulay

January 11, 2012

Source: http://www.mssu.edu/projectsouthasia/history/primarydocs/education/Macaulay001.htm
Numbers in square brackets have been added by FWP for classroom use.

Minute by the Hon’ble T. B. Macaulay, dated the 2nd February 1835.
[1] As it seems to be the opinion of some of the gentlemen who compose the Committee of Public Instruction that the course which they have hitherto pursued was strictly prescribed by the British Parliament in 1813 and as, if that opinion be correct, a legislative act will be necessary to warrant a change, I have thought it right to refrain from taking any part in the preparation of the adverse statements which are.now before us, and to reserve what I had to say on the subject till it should come before me as a Member of the Council of India.

[2] It does not appear to me that the Act of Parliament can by any art of contraction be made to bear the meaning which has been assigned to it. It contains nothing about the particular languages or sciences which are to be studied. A sum is set apart “for the revival and promotion of literature, and the encouragement of the learned natives of India, and for the introduction and promotion of a knowledge of the sciences among the inhabitants of the British territories.” It is argued, or rather taken for granted, that by literature the Parliament can have meant only Arabic and Sanscrit literature; that they never would have given the honourable appellation of “a learned native” to a native who was familiar with the poetry of Milton, the metaphysics of Locke, and the physics of Newton; but that they meant to designate by that name only such persons as might have studied in the sacred books of the Hindoos all the uses of cusa-grass, and all the mysteries of absorption into the Deity. This does not appear to be a very satisfactory interpretation. To take a parallel case: Suppose that the Pacha of Egypt, a country once superior in knowledge to the nations of Europe, but now sunk far below them, were to appropriate a sum for the purpose “of reviving and promoting literature, and encouraging learned natives of Egypt,” would any body infer that he meant the youth of his Pachalik to give years to the study of hieroglyphics, to search into all the doctrines disguised under the fable of Osiris, and to ascertain with all possible accuracy the ritual with which cats and onions were anciently adored? Would he be justly charged with inconsistency if, instead of employing his young subjects in deciphering obelisks, he were to order them to be instructed in the English and French languages, and in all the sciences to which those languages are the chief keys?

[3] The words on which the supporters of the old system rely do not bear them out, and other words follow which seem to be quite decisive on the other side. This lakh of rupees is set apart not only for “reviving literature in India,” the phrase on which their whole interpretation is founded, but also “for the introduction and promotion of a knowledge of the sciences among the inhabitants of the British territories”– words which are alone sufficient to authorize all the changes for which I contend.

[4] If the Council agree in my construction no legislative act will be necessary. If they differ from me, I will propose a short act rescinding that I clause of the Charter of 1813 from which the difficulty arises.

[5] The argument which I have been considering affects only the form of proceeding. But the admirers of the oriental system of education have used another argument, which, if we admit it to be valid, is decisive against all change. They conceive that the public faith is pledged to the present system, and that to alter the appropriation of any of the funds which have hitherto been spent in encouraging the study of Arabic and Sanscrit would be downright spoliation. It is not easy to understand by what process of reasoning they can have arrived at this conclusion. The grants which are made from the public purse for the encouragement of literature differ in no respect from the grants which are made from the same purse for other objects of real or supposed utility. We found a sanitarium on a spot which we suppose to be healthy. Do we thereby pledge ourselves to keep a sanitarium there if the result should not answer our expectations? We commence the erection of a pier. Is it a violation of the public faith to stop the works, if we afterwards see reason to believe that the building will be useless? The rights of property are undoubtedly sacred. But nothing endangers those rights so much as the practice, now unhappily too common, of attributing them to things to which they do not belong. Those who would impart to abuses the sanctity of property are in truth imparting to the institution of property the unpopularity and the fragility of abuses. If the Government has given to any person a formal assurance– nay, if the Government has excited in any person’s mind a reasonable expectation– that he shall receive a certain income as a teacher or a learner of Sanscrit or Arabic, I would respect that person’s pecuniary interests. I would rather err on the side of liberality to individuals than suffer the public faith to be called in question. But to talk of a Government pledging itself to teach certain languages and certain sciences, though those languages may become useless, though those sciences may be exploded, seems to me quite unmeaning. There is not a single word in any public instrument from which it can be inferred that the Indian Government ever intended to give any pledge on this subject, or ever considered the destination of these funds as unalterably fixed. But, had it been otherwise, I should have denied the competence of our predecessors to bind us by any pledge on such a subject. Suppose that a Government had in the last century enacted in the most solemn manner that all its subjects should, to the end of time, be inoculated for the small-pox, would that Government be bound to persist in the practice after Jenner’s discovery? These promises of which nobody claims the performance, and from which nobody can grant a release, these vested rights which vest in nobody, this property without proprietors, this robbery which makes nobody poorer, may be comprehended by persons of higher faculties than mine. I consider this plea merely as a set form of words, regularly used both in England and in India, in defence of every abuse for which no other plea can be set up.

[6] I hold this lakh of rupees to be quite at the disposal of the Governor-General in Council for the purpose of promoting learning in India in any way which may be thought most advisable. I hold his Lordship to be quite as free to direct that it shall no longer be employed in encouraging Arabic and Sanscrit, as he is to direct that the reward for killing tigers in Mysore shall be diminished, or that no more public money shall be expended on the chaunting at the cathedral.

[7] We now come to the gist of the matter. We have a fund to be employed as Government shall direct for the intellectual improvement of the people of this country. The simple question is, what is the most useful way of employing it?

[8] All parties seem to be agreed on one point, that the dialects commonly spoken among the natives of this part of India contain neither literary nor scientific information, and are moreover so poor and rude that, until they are enriched from some other quarter, it will not be easy to translate any valuable work into them.  It seems to be admitted on all sides, that the intellectual improvement of those classes of the people who have the means of pursuing higher studies can at present be affected only by means of some language not vernacular amongst them.

[9] What then shall that language be? One-half of the committee maintain that it should be the English. The other half strongly recommend the Arabic and Sanscrit. The whole question seems to me to be– which language is the best worth knowing?

[10] I have no knowledge of either Sanscrit or Arabic. But I have done what I could to form a correct estimate of their value. I have read translations of the most celebrated Arabic and Sanscrit works. I have conversed, both here and at home, with men distinguished by their proficiency in the Eastern tongues. I am quite ready to take the oriental learning at the valuation of the orientalists themselves. I have never found one among them who could deny that a single shelf of a good European library was worth the whole native literature of India and Arabia. The intrinsic superiority of the Western literature is indeed fully admitted by those members of the committee who support the oriental plan of education.

[11] It will hardly be disputed, I suppose, that the department of literature in which the Eastern writers stand highest is poetry. And I certainly never met with any orientalist who ventured to maintain that the Arabic and Sanscrit poetry could be compared to that of the great European nations. But when we pass from works of imagination to works in which facts are recorded and general principles investigated, the superiority of the Europeans becomes absolutely immeasurable. It is, I believe, no exaggeration to say that all the historical information which has been collected from all the books written in the Sanscrit language is less valuable than what may be found in the most paltry abridgments used at preparatory schools in England. In every branch of physical or moral philosophy, the relative position of the two nations is nearly the same.

[12] How then stands the case? We have to educate a people who cannot at present be educated by means of their mother-tongue. We must teach them some foreign language. The claims of our own language it is hardly necessary to recapitulate. It stands pre-eminent even among the languages of the West. It abounds with works of imagination not inferior to the noblest which Greece has bequeathed to us, –with models of every species of eloquence, –with historical composition, which, considered merely as narratives, have seldom been surpassed, and which, considered as vehicles of ethical and political instruction, have never been equaled– with just and lively representations of human life and human nature, –with the most profound speculations on metaphysics, morals, government, jurisprudence, trade, –with full and correct information respecting every experimental science which tends to preserve the health, to increase the comfort, or to expand the intellect of man. Whoever knows that language has ready access to all the vast intellectual wealth which all the wisest nations of the earth have created and hoarded in the course of ninety generations. It may safely be said that the literature now extant in that language is of greater value than all the literature which three hundred years ago was extant in all the languages of the world together. Nor is this all. In India, English is the language spoken by the ruling class. It is spoken by the higher class of natives at the seats of Government. It is likely to become the language of commerce throughout the seas of the East. It is the language of two great European communities which are rising, the one in the south of Africa, the other in Australia, –communities which are every year becoming more important and more closely connected with our Indian empire. Whether we look at the intrinsic value of our literature, or at the particular situation of this country, we shall see the strongest reason to think that, of all foreign tongues, the English tongue is that which would be the most useful to our native subjects.

[13] The question now before us is simply whether, when it is in our power to teach this language, we shall teach languages in which, by universal confession, there are no books on any subject which deserve to be compared to our own, whether, when we can teach European science, we shall teach systems which, by universal confession, wherever they differ from those of Europe differ for the worse, and whether, when we can patronize sound philosophy and true history, we shall countenance, at the public expense, medical doctrines which would disgrace an English farrier, astronomy which would move laughter in girls at an English boarding school, history abounding with kings thirty feet high and reigns thirty thousand years long, and geography made of seas of treacle and seas of butter.

[14] We are not without experience to guide us. History furnishes several analogous cases, and they all teach the same lesson. There are, in modern times, to go no further, two memorable instances of a great impulse given to the mind of a whole society, of prejudices overthrown, of knowledge diffused, of taste purified, of arts and sciences planted in countries which had recently been ignorant and barbarous.

[15] The first instance to which I refer is the great revival of letters among the Western nations at the close of the fifteenth and the beginning of the sixteenth century. At that time almost everything that was worth reading was contained in the writings of the ancient Greeks and Romans. Had our ancestors acted as the Committee of Public Instruction has hitherto noted, had they neglected the language of Thucydides and Plato, and the language of Cicero and Tacitus, had they confined their attention to the old dialects of our own island, had they printed nothing and taught nothing at the universities but chronicles in Anglo-Saxon and romances in Norman French, –would England ever have been what she now is? What the Greek and Latin were to the contemporaries of More and Ascham, our tongue is to the people of India. The literature of England is now more valuable than that of classical antiquity. I doubt whether the Sanscrit literature be as valuable as that of our Saxon and Norman progenitors. In some departments– in history for example– I am certain that it is much less so.

[16] Another instance may be said to be still before our eyes. Within the last hundred and twenty years, a nation which had previously been in a state as barbarous as that in which our ancestors were before the Crusades has gradually emerged from the ignorance in which it was sunk, and has taken its place among civilized communities. I speak of Russia. There is now in that country a large educated class abounding with persons fit to serve the State in the highest functions, and in nowise inferior to the most accomplished men who adorn the best circles of Paris and London. There is reason to hope that this vast empire which, in the time of our grandfathers, was probably behind the Punjab, may in the time of our grandchildren, be pressing close on France and Britain in the career of improvement. And how was this change effected? Not by flattering national prejudices; not by feeding the mind of the young Muscovite with the old women’s stories which his rude fathers had believed; not by filling his head with lying legends about St. Nicholas; not by encouraging him to study the great question, whether the world was or not created on the 13th of September; not by calling him “a learned native” when he had mastered all these points of knowledge; but by teaching him those foreign languages in which the greatest mass of information had been laid up, and thus putting all that information within his reach. The languages of western Europe civilised Russia. I cannot doubt that they will do for the Hindoo what they have done for the Tartar.

[17] And what are the arguments against that course which seems to be alike recommended by theory and by experience? It is said that we ought to secure the co-operation of the native public, and that we can do this only by teaching Sanscrit and Arabic.

[18] I can by no means admit that, when a nation of high intellectual attainments undertakes to superintend the education of a nation comparatively ignorant, the learners are absolutely to prescribe the course which is to be taken by the teachers. It is not necessary however to say anything on this subject. For it is proved by unanswerable evidence, that we are not at present securing the co-operation of the natives. It would be bad enough to consult their intellectual taste at the expense of their intellectual health. But we are consulting neither. We are withholding from them the learning which is palatable to them. We are forcing on them the mock learning which they nauseate.

[19] This is proved by the fact that we are forced to pay our Arabic and Sanscrit students while those who learn English are willing to pay us. All the declamations in the world about the love and reverence of the natives for their sacred dialects will never, in the mind of any impartial person, outweigh this undisputed fact, that we cannot find in all our vast empire a single student who will let us teach him those dialects, unless we will pay him.

[20] I have now before me the accounts of the Mudrassa for one month, the month of December, 1833. The Arabic students appear to have been seventy-seven in number. All receive stipends from the public. The whole amount paid to them is above 500 rupees a month. On the other side of the account stands the following item:

Deduct amount realized from the out-students of English for the months of May, June, and July last– 103 rupees.

[21] I have been told that it is merely from want of local experience that I am surprised at these phenomena, and that it is not the fashion for students in India to study at their own charges. This only confirms me in my opinions. Nothing is more certain than that it never can in any part of the world be necessary to pay men for doing what they think pleasant or profitable. India is no exception to this rule. The people of India do not require to be paid for eating rice when they are hungry, or for wearing woollen cloth in the cold season. To come nearer to the case before us: –The children who learn their letters and a little elementary arithmetic from the village schoolmaster are not paid by him. He is paid for teaching them. Why then is it necessary to pay people to learn Sanscrit and Arabic? Evidently because it is universally felt that the Sanscrit and Arabic are languages the knowledge of which does not compensate for the trouble of acquiring them. On all such subjects the state of the market is the detective test.

[22] Other evidence is not wanting, if other evidence were required. A petition was presented last year to the committee by several ex-students of the Sanscrit College. The petitioners stated that they had studied in the college ten or twelve years, that they had made themselves acquainted with Hindoo literature and science, that they had received certificates of proficiency. And what is the fruit of all this? “Notwithstanding such testimonials,” they say, “we have but little prospect of bettering our condition without the kind assistance of your honourable committee, the indifference with which we are generally looked upon by our countrymen leaving no hope of encouragement and assistance from them.” They therefore beg that they may be recommended to the Governor-General for places under the Government– not places of high dignity or emolument, but such as may just enable them to exist. “We want means,” they say, “for a decent living, and for our progressive improvement, which, however, we cannot obtain without the assistance of Government, by whom we have been educated and maintained from childhood.” They conclude by representing very pathetically that they are sure that it was never the intention of Government, after behaving so liberally to them during their education, to abandon them to destitution and neglect.

[23] I have been used to see petitions to Government for compensation. All those petitions, even the most unreasonable of them, proceeded on the supposition that some loss had been sustained, that some wrong had been inflicted. These are surely the first petitioners who ever demanded compensation for having been educated gratis, for having been supported by the public during twelve years, and then sent forth into the world well furnished with literature and science. They represent their education as an injury which gives them a claim on the Government for redress, as an injury for which the stipends paid to them during the infliction were a very inadequate compensation. And I doubt not that they are in the right. They have wasted the best years of life in learning what procures for them neither bread nor respect. Surely we might with advantage have saved the cost of making these persons useless and miserable. Surely, men may be brought up to be burdens to the public and objects of contempt to their neighbours at a somewhat smaller charge to the State. But such is our policy. We do not even stand neuter in the contest between truth and falsehood. We are not content to leave the natives to the influence of their own hereditary prejudices. To the natural difficulties which obstruct the progress of sound science in the East, we add great difficulties of our own making. Bounties and premiums, such as ought not to be given even for the propagation of truth, we lavish on false texts and false philosophy.

[24] By acting thus we create the very evil which we fear. We are making that opposition which we do not find. What we spend on the Arabic and Sanscrit Colleges is not merely a dead loss to the cause of truth. It is bounty-money paid to raise up champions of error. It goes to form a nest not merely of helpless placehunters but of bigots prompted alike by passion and by interest to raise a cry against every useful scheme of education. If there should be any opposition among the natives to the change which I recommend, that opposition will be the effect of our own system. It will be headed by persons supported by our stipends and trained in our colleges. The longer we persevere in our present course, the more formidable will that opposition be. It will be every year reinforced by recruits whom we are paying. From the native society, left to itself, we have no difficulties to apprehend. All the murmuring will come from that oriental interest which we have, by artificial means, called into being and nursed into strength.

[25] There is yet another fact which is alone sufficient to prove that the feeling of the native public, when left to itself, is not such as the supporters of the old system represent it to be. The committee have thought fit to lay out above a lakh of rupees in printing Arabic and Sanscrit books. Those books find no purchasers. It is very rarely that a single copy is disposed of. Twenty-three thousand volumes, most of them folios and quartos, fill the libraries or rather the lumber-rooms of this body. The committee contrive to get rid of some portion of their vast stock of oriental literature by giving books away. But they cannot give so fast as they print. About twenty thousand rupees a year are spent in adding fresh masses of waste paper to a hoard which, one should think, is already sufficiently ample. During the last three years about sixty thousand rupees have been expended in this manner. The sale of Arabic and Sanscrit books during those three years has not yielded quite one thousand rupees. In the meantime, the School Book Society is selling seven or eight thousand English volumes every year, and not only pays the expenses of printing but realizes a profit of twenty per cent. on its outlay.

[30] The fact that the Hindoo law is to be learned chiefly from Sanscrit books, and the Mahometan law from Arabic books, has been much insisted on, but seems not to bear at all on the question. We are commanded by Parliament to ascertain and digest the laws of India. The assistance of a Law Commission has been given to us for that purpose. As soon as the Code is promulgated the Shasters and the Hedaya will be useless to a moonsiff or a Sudder Ameen. I hope and trust that, before the boys who are now entering at the Mudrassa and the Sanscrit College have completed their studies, this great work will be finished. It would be manifestly absurd to educate the rising generation with a view to a state of things which we mean to alter before they reach manhood.

[31] But there is yet another argument which seems even more untenable. It is said that the Sanscrit and the Arabic are the languages in which the sacred books of a hundred millions of people are written, and that they are on that account entitled to peculiar encouragement. Assuredly it is the duty of the British Government in India to be not only tolerant but neutral on all religious questions. But to encourage the study of a literature, admitted to be of small intrinsic value, only because that literature inculcated the most serious errors on the most important subjects, is a course hardly reconcilable with reason, with morality, or even with that very neutrality which ought, as we all agree, to be sacredly preserved. It is confined that a language is barren of useful knowledge. We are to teach it because it is fruitful of monstrous superstitions. We are to teach false history, false astronomy, false medicine, because we find them in company with a false religion. We abstain, and I trust shall always abstain, from giving any public encouragement to those who are engaged in the work of converting the natives to Christianity. And while we act thus, can we reasonably or decently bribe men, out of the revenues of the State, to waste their youth in learning how they are to purify themselves after touching an ass or what texts of the Vedas they are to repeat to expiate the crime of killing a goat?

[32] It is taken for granted by the advocates of oriental learning that no native of this country can possibly attain more than a mere smattering of English. They do not attempt to prove this. But they perpetually insinuate it. They designate the education which their opponents recommend as a mere spelling-book education. They assume it as undeniable that the question is between a profound knowledge of Hindoo and Arabian literature and science on the one side, and superficial knowledge of the rudiments of English on the other. This is not merely an assumption, but an assumption contrary to all reason and experience. We know that foreigners of all nations do learn our language sufficiently to have access to all the most abstruse knowledge which it contains sufficiently to relish even the more delicate graces of our most idiomatic writers. There are in this very town natives who are quite competent to discuss political or scientific questions with fluency and precision in the English language. I have heard the very question on which I am now writing discussed by native gentlemen with a liberality and an intelligence which would do credit to any member of the Committee of Public Instruction. Indeed it is unusual to find, even in the literary circles of the Continent, any foreigner who can express himself in English with so much facility and correctness as we find in many Hindoos. Nobody, I suppose, will contend that English is so difficult to a Hindoo as Greek to an Englishman. Yet an intelligent English youth, in a much smaller number of years than our unfortunate pupils pass at the Sanscrit College, becomes able to read, to enjoy, and even to imitate not unhappily the compositions of the best Greek authors. Less than half the time which enables an English youth to read Herodotus and Sophocles ought to enable a Hindoo to read Hume and Milton.

[33] To sum up what I have said. I think it clear that we are not fettered by the Act of Parliament of 1813, that we are not fettered by any pledge expressed or implied, that we are free to employ our funds as we choose, that we ought to employ them in teaching what is best worth knowing, that English is better worth knowing than Sanscrit or Arabic, that the natives are desirous to be taught English, and are not desirous to be taught Sanscrit or Arabic, that neither as the languages of law nor as the languages of religion have the Sanscrit and Arabic any peculiar claim to our encouragement, that it is possible to make natives of this country thoroughly good English scholars, and that to this end our efforts ought to be directed.

[34] In one point I fully agree with the gentlemen to whose general views I am opposed. I feel with them that it is impossible for us, with our limited means, to attempt to educate the body of the people. We must at present do our best to form a class who may be interpreters between us and the millions whom we govern,  –a class of persons Indian in blood and colour, but English in tastes, in opinions, in morals and in intellect. To that class we may leave it to refine the vernacular dialects of the country, to enrich those dialects with terms of science borrowed from the Western nomenclature, and to render them by degrees fit vehicles for conveying knowledge to the great mass of the population.

[35] I would strictly respect all existing interests. I would deal even generously with all individuals who have had fair reason to expect a pecuniary provision. But I would strike at the root of the bad system which has hitherto been fostered by us. I would at once stop the printing of Arabic and Sanscrit books. I would abolish the Mudrassa and the Sanscrit College at Calcutta. Benares is the great seat of Brahminical learning; Delhi of Arabic learning. If we retain the Sanscrit College at Bonares and the Mahometan College at Delhi we do enough and much more than enough in my opinion, for the Eastern languages. If the Benares and Delhi Colleges should be retained, I would at least recommend that no stipends shall be given to any students who may hereafter repair thither, but that the people shall be left to make their own choice between the rival systems of education without being bribed by us to learn what they have no desire to know. The funds which would thus be placed at our disposal would enable us to give larger encouragement to the Hindoo College at Calcutta, and establish in the principal cities throughout the Presidencies of Fort William and Agra schools in which the English language might be well and thoroughly taught.

[36] If the decision of His Lordship in Council should be such as I anticipate, I shall enter on the performance of my duties with the greatest zeal and alacrity. If, on the other hand, it be the opinion of the Government that the present system ought to remain unchanged, I beg that I may be permitted to retire from the chair of the Committee. I feel that I could not be of the smallest use there. I feel also that I should be lending my countenance to what I firmly believe to be a mere delusion. I believe that the present system tends not to accelerate the progress of truth but to delay the natural death of expiring errors. I conceive that we have at present no right to the respectable name of a Board of Public Instruction. We are a Board for wasting the public money, for printing books which are of less value than the paper on which they are printed was while it was blank– for giving artificial encouragement to absurd history, absurd metaphysics, absurd physics, absurd theology– for raising up a breed of scholars who find their scholarship an incumbrance and blemish, who live on the public while they are receiving their education, and whose education is so utterly useless to them that, when they have received it, they must either starve or live on the public all the rest of their lives. Entertaining these opinions, I am naturally desirous to decline all share in the responsibility of a body which, unless it alters its whole mode of proceedings, I must consider, not merely as useless, but as positively noxious.

T[homas] B[abington] MACAULAY

2nd February 1835.

I give my entire concurrence to the sentiments expressed in this Minute.

W[illiam] C[avendish] BENTINCK.
 

From: Bureau of Education. Selections from Educational Records, Part I (1781-1839).  Edited by H. Sharp.  Calcutta: Superintendent, Government Printing, 1920. Reprint. Delhi: National Archives of India, 1965, 107-117.

http://www.columbia.edu/itc/mealac/pritchett/00generallinks/macaulay/txt_minute_education_1835.html

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British Education System and De-Hinduization

January 11, 2012

It is well known that after conducting a thorough survey on the Education system in Bharat ( India), the British decided that the only way to have a long rule in this country, is to destroy the native education system and in its place put up a new system of Education.

Thomas Babbington Macaulay can be called as the man behind laying down the British system of education in India. His famous Minute of Education in 1835, validated by William Bentinck is proof that either he genuinely believed in the concept of the “White Man’s burden” and was ignorant about the great history and knowledge of the Hindus, OR was deliberately maligning Bharat’s history to present his case to the British parliament so that he could get a bigger place of power in the affairs of managing Bharat. In either case, it struck a huge blow on the roots of “The Beautiful Tree” of Indian Education system. His intentions are demonstrated when he writes a letter to his father in 1836 stating “

“…. The effect of this education on the Hindus is prodigious. No Hindu who has received an English education ever remains sincerely attached to his religion. Some continue to profess it as a matter of policy, but many profess themselves pure Deists and some embrace Christianity. It is my firm belief if our plans of education are followed up there will not be a single idolator among the respectable classes in Bengal thirty years hence.”

Thomas Babington Macaulay, Minute on Indian Education, 2 Feb. 1935:

[34]“In one point I fully agree with the gentlemen to whose general views I am opposed. I feel with them, that it is impossible for us, with our limited means, to attempt to educate the body of the people. We must at present do our best to form a class who may be interpreters between us and the millions whom we govern; a class of persons, Indian in blood and colour, but English in taste, in opinions, in morals, and in intellect. To that class we may leave it to refine the vernacular dialects of the country, to enrich those dialects with terms of science borrowed from the Western nomenclature, and to render them by degrees fit vehicles for conveying knowledge to the great mass of the population.”

He gross ignorance on Hindu knowledge is clear when he says, 

“ It is, I believe, no exaggeration to say that all the historical information which has been collected from all the books written in the Sanscrit language is less valuable than what may be found in the most paltry abridgments used at preparatory schools in England. In every branch of physical or moral philosophy, the relative position of the two nations is nearly the same.”

As expected, during the British rule, the Sanskrit scholars were struggling to meet ends meet. The students who studied Sanskrit and Vedas had no place to go. Macaualay twists this to his advantage,

Quote

” [22] Other evidence is not wanting, if other evidence were required. A petition was presented last year to the committee by several ex-students of the Sanscrit College. The petitioners stated that they had studied in the college ten or twelve years, that they had made themselves acquainted with Hindoo literature and science, that they had received certificates of proficiency. And what is the fruit of all this? “Notwithstanding such testimonials,” they say, “we have but little prospect of bettering our condition without the kind assistance of your honourable committee, the indifference with which we are generally looked upon by our countrymen leaving no hope of encouragement and assistance from them.” They therefore beg that they may be recommended to the Governor-General for places under the Government– not places of high dignity or emolument, but such as may just enable them to exist. “We want means,” they say, “for a decent living, and for our progressive improvement, which, however, we cannot obtain without the assistance of Government, by whom we have been educated and maintained from childhood.” They conclude by representing very pathetically that they are sure that it was never the intention of Government, after behaving so liberally to them during their education, to abandon them to destitution and neglect.  End of quote.

His contempt for Sanskrit is declared in the following quote

”  [31] But there is yet another argument which seems even more untenable. It is said that the Sanscrit and the Arabic are the languages in which the sacred books of a hundred millions of people are written, and that they are on that account entitled to peculiar encouragement. Assuredly it is the duty of the British Government in India to be not only tolerant but neutral on all religious questions. But to encourage the study of a literature, admitted to be of small intrinsic value, only because that literature inculcated the most serious errors on the most important subjects, is a course hardly reconcilable with reason, with morality, or even with that very neutrality which ought, as we all agree, to be sacredly preserved. It is confined that a language is barren of useful knowledge. We are to teach it because it is fruitful of monstrous superstitions. We are to teach false history, false astronomy, false medicine, because we find them in company with a false religion. We abstain, and I trust shall always abstain, from giving any public encouragement to those who are engaged in the work of converting the natives to Christianity. And while we act thus, can we reasonably or decently bribe men, out of the revenues of the State, to waste their youth in learning how they are to purify themselves after touching an ass or what texts of the Vedas they are to repeat to expiate the crime of killing a goat? “

The Minute of Education can be found at 

http://www.columbia.edu

Macaulay & Charles Trevelyan – The twin destroyers :

Macaulay;s brother-in-law, Charles Trevelyan further took up the task of destruction of  the Indian education sytem. He records the impact of the system of education laid out in 1835. It is important to note that in 18 years, Trevelyan could notice that ” They become more English Than Hindoos”. This demonstrates that the goal with which the British education system was laid out became a reality.

The following extracts from a paper submitted to the Parliamentary Committee of 1853 on Indian territories titled “The Political Tendency of the Different Systems of Education in use in India” speaks volumes about the intentions in introducing the English system of education in India.  He says :

“….. The spirit of English literature, on the other hand, cannot but be favorable to the English connection. Familiarly acquainted with us by means of our literature, the Indian youth almost cease to regard us as foreigners. They speak of great men with the same enthusiasm as we do. Educated in the same way, interested in the same objects engaged in the same pursuits with ourselves, they become more English than Hindoos, just as the Roman provincial became more Romans than Gauls or Italians… Every community has its ideas of securing the universal principal, in some shape or other, is in a state of constant activity; and if it be not enlisted on our side, it must be arrayed against us. As long as the natives are left to brood over their former independence, their sole specific for improving their condition is, the immediate and total expulsion of the English…..’ It is only by the infusion of European ideas, that a new direction can be given to the national views. The young men, brought up at our seminaries, turn with contempt from the barbarous despotism under which their ancestors groaned, to the prospect of improving their national institutions on the English model…… The existing connection between two such distant countries as England and India, cannot, in the nature of things, be permanent; no effort of policy can prevent the natives from ultimately regaining their independence. But there are two ways of arriving at this point. One of these is, through the medium of revolution; the other, through that of reform. In one, the forward movement is sudden and violent, in the other, it is gradual and peaceable. One must end in a complete alienation of mind and separation of interest between ourselves and the natives; the other in a permanent alliance, founded on mutual benefits and goodwill…. The only means at our disposal for preventing the one and securing the other class of result is, to set the natives on a process of European improvement, to which they ate already sufficiently inclined. They will then cease to desire and aim at independence on the old Indian footing. A sudden change will then be impossible and a long continuance of our present connection with India will even be assured to us…. The natives will not rise against us, because we shall stoop to raise them; there will be no reaction, because there will be no pressure; the national activity will be fully and harmlessly employed in acquiring and diffusing European knowledge, and naturalizing European institutions. The educated classes, knowing that the elevation of their country on these principles can only be worked out under protection, will naturally cling to us. They even now do so….. and it will then be necessary to modify the political institutions to suit the increased intelligence of the people, and their capacity for self-government…. In following this course we should be buying no new experiment. The Romans at once civilized the nations of Europe, and attached them to their rule by Romancing them; or, in other words, by educating them in the Roman literature and arts and teaching them to emulate their conquerors instead of opposing them. Acquisitions made by superiority in war, were consolidated by superiority in the arts of peace; and the remembrance of the original violence was lost in that of the benefits which resulted from it. The provincials of Italy, Spain, Africa and Gaul, having no ambition except to imitate the Romans, and to share their privileges with them, remained to the last faithful subjects of the Empire;…… The Indian will, I hope soon stand in the same position towards us in which we once stood towards the Romans. Tacitus informs us, that it was the policy of Julius Agricola to instruct the sons of the leading men among the Britons in the literature and science of Rome and to give them a taste for the refinements of Roman civilization. We all know how well this plan answered. From being obstinate enemies, the Britons soon became attached and confiding friends; and they made more strenuous efforts to retain the Romans, than their ancestors had done to resist their invasion. It will be a shame to us if, with our greatly superior advantages, we also do not make our premature departure be dreaded as a calamity……”

Also, it must be noted that  Charles Trevelyan in his testimony before the Select Committee of the House of Lords on the Government of Indian Territories on 23rd June, 1853: “….. the effect of training in European learning is to give an entirely new turn to the native mind. The young men educated in this way cease to strive after independence according to the original Native model, and aim at, improving the institutions of the country according to the English model, with the ultimate result of establishing constitutional self-government. They cease to regard us as enemies and usurpers, and they look upon us as friends and patrons, and powerful beneficent persons, under whose protection  the regeneration of their country will gradually be worked out. …..”

Unfortunately, the education system in post independent India continued this process of De-Hinduisation of India and we are today in a situation where after over 6 decades of Independence, we are yet to evolve a policy in all fields which reflects the true spirit and genius of our land. The reason for this lies in the fact that we have not bothered to develop an indigenous model of education which will unravel the genius of crores of our brethren.

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Swami Vivekananda on Caste Problem in India

January 9, 2012

CASTE PROBLEM IN INDIA

“I have a message for the world, which I will deliver without fear and care for the future. To the reformers I will point out that I am a greater reformer than any one of them. They want to reform only little bits. I want root-and-branch reform.”   – Swami Vivekananda

CASTE IN SOCIETY AND NOT IN RELIGION

Though our castes and our institutions are apparently linked with our religion, they are not so. These institutions have been necessary to protect us as a nation, and when this necessity for self-preservation will no more exist, they will die a natural death. In religion there is no caste. A man from the highest caste and a man from the lowest may become a monk in India and the two castes become equal. The caste system is opposed to the religion of Vedanta.

Caste is a social custom, and all our great preachers have tried to break it down. From Buddhism downwards, every sect has preached against caste, and every time it has only riveted the chains. Beginning from Buddha to Rammohan Ray, everyone made the mistake of holding caste to be a religious institution and tried to pull down religion and caste altogether, and failed.

In spite of all the ravings of the priests, caste is simply a crystallized social institution, which after doing its service is now filling the atmosphere of India with its stench, and it can only be removed by giving back to people their lost social individuality. Caste is simply the outgrowth of the political institutions of India; it is a hereditary trade guild. Trade competition with Europe has broken caste more than any teaching.

THE UNDERLYING IDEA OF THE CASTE SYSTEM

The older I grow, the better I seem to think of caste and such other time-honored institutions of India. There was a time when I used to think that many of them were useless and worthless, but the older I grow, the more I seem to feel a difference in cursing any one of them, for each one of them is the embodiment of the experience of centuries.

A child of but yesterday, destined to die the day after tomorrow, comes to me and asks me to change all my plans and if I hear the advice of that baby and change all my surroundings according to his ideas I myself should be a fool, and no one else. Much of the advice that is coming to us from different countries is similar to this. Tell these wiseacres, “I will hear you when you have made a stable society yourselves. You cannot hold on to one idea for two days, you quarrel and fail; you are born like moths in the spring and die like them in five minutes. You come up like bubbles and burst like bubbles too. First form a stable society like ours. First make laws and institutions that remains undiminished in their power through scores of centuries. Then will be the time to talk on the subject with you, but till then, my friend, you are only a giddy child.”

Caste is a very good thing. Caste is the plan we want to follow. What caste really is, not one in a million understands. There is no country in the world without caste. Caste is based throughout on that principle. The plan in India is to make everybody Brahmana, the Brahmana being the ideal of humanity. If you read the history of India you will find that attempts have always been made to raise the lower classes. Many are the classes that have been raised. Many more will follow till the whole will become Brahmana. That is the plan.

Our ideal is the Brahmana of spiritual culture and renunciation. By the Brahmana ideal what do I mean? I mean the ideal Brahmana-ness in which worldliness is altogether absent and true wisdom is abundantly present. That is the ideal of the Hindu race. Have you not heard how it is declared he, the Brahmana, is not amenable to law, that he has no law, that he is not governed by kings, and that his body cannot be hurt? That is perfectly true. Do not understand it in the light thrown upon it by interested and ignorant fools, but understand it in the light of the true and original Vedantic conception.. If the Brahmana is he who has killed all selfishness and who lives to acquire and propagate wisdom and the power of love – if a country is altogether inhabited by such Brahmanas, by men and women who are spiritual and moral and good, is it strange to think of that country as being above and beyond all law? What police, what Military are necessary to govern them? Why should any one govern them at all? Why should they live under a government? They are good and noble, and they are the men of God; these are our ideal Brahmanas, and we read that in the SatyaYuga there was only one caste, and that was the Brahmana. We read in the Mahabharata that the whole world was in the beginning peopled with Brahmanas, and that as they began to degenerate they became divided into different castes, and that when the cycle turns round they will all go back to that Brahmanical origin.

The son of a Brahmana is not necessarily always a Brahmana; though there is every possibility of his being one, he may not become so. The Brahmana caste and the Brahmana quality are two distinct things.

As there are sattva, rajas and tamas – one or other of these gunas more or less – in every man, so the qualities which make a Brahmana, Kshatriya, Vaishya or a Shudra are inherent in every man, more or less. But at time one or other of these qualities predominates in him in varying degrees and is manifested accordingly. Take a man in his different pursuits, for example : when he is engaged in serving another for pay, he is in Shudra-hood; when he is busy transacting some some piece of business for profit, on his account, he is a Vaishya; when he fights to right wrongs then the qualities of a Kshatriya come out in him; and when he meditates on God, or passes his time in conversation about Him, then he is a Brahmana. Naturally, it is quite possible for one to be changed from one caste into another. Otherwise, how did Viswamitra become a Brahmana and Parashurama a Kshatriya?

The means of European civilization is the sword; of the Aryans, the division into different varnas. This system of division into varnas is the stepping-stone to civilization, making one rise higher and higher in proportion to one’s learning and culture. In Europe, it is everywhere victory to the strong and death to the weak. In the land of Bharata (India), every social rule is for the protection of the weak.

Such is our ideal of caste, as meant for raising all humanity slowly and gently towards the realization of the great ideal of spiritual man, who is non-resisting, calm, steady, worshipful, pure and meditative. In that ideal there is God.

We believe in Indian caste as one of the greatest social institutions that the Lord gave to man. We also believe that through the unavoidable defects, foreign persecutions, and above all, the monumental ignorance and pride of many Brahmanas who do not deserve the name, have thwarted in many ways, the legitimate fructification of this glorious Indian institution, it has already worked wonders for the land of Bharata and it destined to lead Indian humanity to its goal.

Caste should not go; but should be readjusted occasionally. Within the old structure is to be life enough for the building of two hundred thousand new ones. It is sheer nonsense to desire the abolition of caste.

INEQUALITY OF PRIVILEGE VITIATES THE SYSTEM

It is in the nature of society to form itself into groups; and what will go will be these privileges! Caste is a natural order. I can perform one duty in social life, and you another; you can govern a country, and I can mend a pair of old shoes, but that is no reason why you are greater than I, for can you mend my shoes? Can I govern the country? I am clever in mending shoes, you are clever in reading Vedas, that is no reason why you should trample on my head; why if one commits murder should he be praised and if another steals an apple why should he be hanged? This will have to go.

Caste is good. That is only natural way of solving life. Men must form themselves into groups, and you cannot get rid of that. Wherever you go there will be caste. But that does not mean that there should be these privileges. They should be knocked on the head. If you teach Vedanta to the fisherman, he will say, “I am as good a man as you, I am a fisherman, you are a philosopher, but I have the same God in me, as you have in you.” And that is what we want, no privilege for anyone, equal chances for all; let everyone be taught that the Divine is within, and everyone will work out his own salvation. The days of exclusive privileges and exclusive claims are gone, gone for ever from the soil of India.

UNTOUCHABILITY – A SUPERSTITIOUS ACCRETION

Formerly the characteristic of the noble-minded was – (tribhuvanamupakara shrenibhih priyamanah) “to please the whole universe by one’s numerous acts of service”, but now it is – I am pure and the whole world is impure. “Don’t touch me!” “Don’t touch me!” The whole world is impure, and I alone am pure! Lucid Brahmajnana! Bravo! Great God! Nowadays, Brahman is neither in the recesses of the heart, nor in the highest heaven, nor in all beings – now He is in the cooking pot!

We are orthodox Hindus, but we refuse entirely to identify ourselves with “Don’t- touchism”. That is not Hinduism; it is in none of our books; it is an orthodox superstition, which has interfered with national efficiency all along the line. Religion has entered in the cooking pot. The present religion of the Hindus is neither the path of Knowledge or Reason – it is “Don’t-touchism”. – “Don’t touch me”, “Don’t touch me” – that exhausts its description.

“Don’t touchism” is a form of mental disease. Beware! All expansion is life, all contraction is death. All love is expansion, all selfishness is contraction. Love is therefore the only law of life. See that you do not lose your lives in this dire irreligion of “Don’t- touchism”. Must the teaching (Atmavat sarvabhuteshu) – “Looking upon all beings as your own self” – be confined to books alone? How will they grant salvation who cannot feed a hungry mouth with a crumb of bread? How will those, who become impure at the mere breath of others, purify others?

We must cease to tyrannize. To what a ludicrous state are we brought! If a bhangi comes to anybody as a bhangi, he would be shunned as the plague; but no sooner does he get a cupful of water poured upon his head with some muttering of prayers by a padri, and get a coat to his back, no matter how threadbare, and come into the room of the most orthodox Hindu, I don’t see the man who then dare refuse him a chair and a hearty shake of hands! Irony can go no farther.

Just see, for want of sympathy from the Hindus, thousands of pariahs in Madras are turning Christians. Don’t think that this is simply due to the pinch of hunger; it is because they do not get any sympathy from us. We are day and night calling out to them “Don’t touch us! Don’t touch us!” Is there any compassion or kindliness of heart in the country? Only a class of “Don’t-touchists” ; kick such customs out! I sometimes feel the urge to break the barriers of “Don’t-touchism”, go at once and call out, “Come all who are poor, miserable, wretched and downtrodden”, and to bring them all together. Unless they rise, the Mother will not awake.

Each Hindu, I say, is a brother to every other, and it is we, who have degraded them by our outcry, “Don’t touch”, “Don’t touch!” And so the whole country has been plunged to the utmost depths of meanness, cowardice and ignorance. These men have to be lifted; words of hope and faith have to be proclaimed to them. We have to tell them, “You are also men like us and you have all the rights that we have.”

SOLUTION OF THE CASTE PROBLEM

Our solution of the caste question is not degrading those who are already high up, is not running amuck through food and drink, is not jumping out of our own limits in order to have more enjoyment, but it comes by every one of us fulfilling the dictates of our Vedantic religion, by our attaining spirituality and by our becoming ideal Brahmana. There is a law laid on each one of you in this land by your ancestors, whether you are Aryans, or non-Aryans, rishis or Brahmanas or the very lowest outcaste. The command is the same to you all, that you must make progress without stopping, and that from the highest man to the lowest pariah, every one in this country has to try and become the ideal Brahmana. This Vedantic idea is applicable not only here but over the whole world.

The Brahmana-hood is the ideal of humanity in India as wonderfully put forward by Shankaracharya at the beginning of his commentary on the Gita, where he speaks about the reason for Krishna’s coming as a preacher for the preservation of Brahmana- hood, of Brahmana-ness. That was the great end. This Brahmana, the man of God, he who has known Brahman, the ideal man, the perfect man, must remain, he must not go. And with all the defects of the caste now, we know that we must all be ready to give to the Brahmanas this credit, that from them have come more men with real Brahmana-ness in them than from all the other castes. We must be bold enough, must be brave enough to speak their defects, but at the same time we must give credit that is due to them.

Therefore, it is no use fighting among the castes. What good will it do? It will divide us all the more, weaken us all the more, degrade us all the more. The solution is not by bringing down the higher, but by raising the lower up to the level of the higher. And that is the line of work that is found in all our books, in spite of what you may hear from some people whose knowledge of their own Scriptures and whose capacity to understand the mighty plans of the ancients are only zero. What is the plan? The ideal at the one end is the Brahmana and the ideal at the other end is the chandala, and the whole work is to raise the chandala up to the Brahmana. Slowly and slowly you will find more and more privileges granted to them.

I regret that in modern times there should be so much discussion between the castes. This must stop. It is useless on both sides, especially on the side of the higher caste, the Brahmana, the day for these privileges and exclusive claims is gone. The duty of every aristocracy is to dig its own grave, and the sooner it does so, the better. The more he delays, the more it will fester and the worse death it will die. It is the duty of the Brahmana, therefore, to work for the salvation of the rest of mankind, in India. If he does that and so long as he does that, he is a Brahmana.

Any one who claims to be a Brahmana, then, should prove his pretensions, first by manifesting that spirituality, and next by raising others to the same status. We earnestly entreat the Brahmanas not to forget the ideal of India – the production of a universe of Brahmanas, pure as purity, good as God Himself : this was at the beginning, says the Mahabharata and so will it be in the end.

It seems that most of the Brahmanas are only nursing a false pride of birth; and any schemer, native or foreign, who can pander to this vanity and inherent laziness, by fulsome sophistry, appears to satisfy more.

Beware Brahmanas, this is the sign of death! Arise and show your manhood, your Brahmana-hood, by raising the non-Brahmanas around you – not in the spirit of a master – not with the rotten canker of egoism crawling with superstitions and charlatanry of East and West – but in the spirit of a servant.

To the Brahmanas I appeal, that they must work hard to raise the Indian people by teaching them what they know, by giving out the culture that they have accumulated for centuries. It is clearly the duty of the Brahmanas of India to remember what real Brahmana-hood is. As Manu says, all these privileges and honors are given to the Brahmana because, “with him is the treasury of virtue”. He must open that treasury and distribute to the world.

It is true that he was the earliest preacher to the Indian races, he was the first to renounce everything in order to attain to the higher realization of life, before others could reach to the idea. It was not his fault that he marched ahead of the other castes. Why did not the other castes so understand and do as they did? Why did they sit down and be lazy, and let the Brahmanas win the race?

But it is one thing to gain an advantage, and another thing to preserve it for evil use. Whenever power is used for evil it becomes diabolical; it must be used for good only. So this accumulated culture of ages of which the Brahmana has been the trustee, he must now give to the people, and it was because he did not open this treasury to the people, that the Muslims invasion was possible. It was because he did not open this treasury to the people from the beginning, that for a thousand years we have been trodden under the heels of everyone who chose to come to India; it was through that we have become degraded, and the first task must be to break open the cells that hide the wonderful treasures which our common ancestors accumulated; bring them out, and give them to everybody, and the Brahmana must be the first to do it. There is an old superstition in Bengal that if the cobra that bites, sucks out his own poison from the patient, the man must survive. Well then, the Brahmana must suck out his own poison.

To the non-Brahmana castes I say, wait, be not in a hurry. Do not seize every opportunity of fighting the Brahmana, because as I have shown; you are suffering from your own fault. Who told you to neglect spirituality and Sanskrit learning? What have you been doing all this time? Why have you been indifferent? Why do you now fret and fume because somebody else had more brains, more energy, more pluck and go than you? Instead of wasting your energies in vain discussions and quarrels in the newspapers, instead of fighting and quarreling in your own homes – which is sinful – use all your energies in acquiring the culture which the Brahmana has, and the thing is done. Why do you not become Sanskrit scholars? Why do you not spend millions to bring Sanskrit education to all the castes of India? That is the question. The moment you do these things, you are equal to the Brahmana! That is the secret power in India.

The only safety, I tell you men who belong to the lower castes, the only way to raise your condition is to study Sanskrit, and this fighting and writing and frothing against the higher castes is in vain, it does no good, and it creates fight and quarrel, and this race, unfortunately already divided, is going to be divided more and more. The only way to bring about the leveling of castes is to appropriate the culture, the education which is the strength of the higher castes.

The above article is part of the book ” Swami Vivekananda on India and Her Problems”.

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Tribal youth of Vanavasi Kalyan Ashram Shine in Bangalore International Midnight Marathon

December 19, 2011

December 18th, 2011, 1:22 pm

 
Vanavasi Kalyan team receiving award runner up award in Bangalore International Midnight Marathon

Bangalore: Running barefooted, an 8 membered team of tribal youth of Vanavasi Kalyan won Runner-Up award in reputed Bangalore International Midnight Marathon, recently held in the city.

In an event where nearly 8500 athletes participated, the Vanavasi Kalyan team stood against all odds and won this prestigious Marathon, running in barefoot, has got special congratulations by the public, organisers.

Midnight International Marathon is first of its kind in the world, was organised on December 10th by Rotary Bangalore’s I.T. Corridor unit, with a motto of ‘Run for a Child’, to create awareness about Child healthcare, nutrition and Child education.

With just a delay of 90 seconds, Vanavasi Kalyan team secured second place in the Men’s 35km section of Marathon relay. The first and third prizes were bagged by teams sponsored by reputed Software Companies TESCO and HP respectively.

Vanavasi Kalyan team at Bangalore International Marathon

Hailing from the dense forest area of Titimati of Virajpet Taluk in Kodagu district, Karnataka, these youth are participating in their maiden Marathon race. Of this 8 membered team, Maada, a student of class 12 is a known sprinter. Others, Vishwanath, Harish, Papu, Raju PN, Suresh, Timmayya, Venkatesh are coolie workers having a high athletic skills.

With a spirit to imbue the confidence of these tribal talents, well known Physician Dr Rekha S Neela and her husband, businessman Srinivas R Neela, sponsored the Vanavasi Kalyan team and introduced these Vanavasi talents to an International Platform. Venkatesh Nayak, Coordinator of Vanavasi Kalyan Ashrama-Karnataka guided the team throughout.

Though the Vanavasi youth were lacking many civic facilities, never underwent any coaching or special practice for Marathon, were looking confident during the event. Being barefooted they won this event, just keeping the experience of few previous domestic athletic events. “There are many skilled youth at Vanavasi areas, if a proper care is taken, coaching is provided, talents are nurtured, they are capable bringing glory to nation by winning medals at Olympics”, says Dr Rekha.

Mr Venkatesh Nayak said “Vanavasi Kalyan has given the nation the Olympian Limba Ram in archery and Kavitha Raut in 10 Km race.”

The prize distribution ceremony was held at the premises of Hotel Royal Orchid on Saturday, December 17th, in which the audience congratulated the team with a standing ovation.

Vanavasi Kalyan team at Bangalore International Marathon

ABOUT THE MARATHON: In 2007, The Rotary Bangalore IT Corridor, organized the 1st Bangalore Midnight Marathon. The marathon was the first of its kind in the world, being the only marathon that was run in the middle of the night. The only other similar run in the world was in Norway. This event, though being a night event, was run in full brightness, given that Norway is the country of Midnight Sun.

The Bangalore Midnight Marathon has several advantages – traffic and pollution is less at midnight, the cool temperature of the night is also conducive for running. Over the years, the organizers have innovated the run, adding fun element to make it interesting for both professional & casual runners alike. Large Display Video screens along the track, decorative lighting, live performances by rock bands & plenty of food add to the fun element of the run. It gives this Marathon a festive feel and makes it it a great experience for the runners & their supporters

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Selling India’s retail wholesale

November 28, 2011

Finally, FDI in retail has arrived. The collapse of the Rupee by one-fifth in just weeks, dwindling forex inflows and net FII outflows have forced a desperate government to sell India’s retail trade wholesale. Corporate and multinational lobbying to induct FDI in retail, branding it as “big ticket reform”, has been intense in the last few years. The lobbies have won. India has lost. The decision betrays a metropolitan bias; and exposes lack of understanding of India’s agricultural and rural economy. That it will endlessly damage the huge 1.2 million strong community-run retail business in India is undisputed. But the less known truth is that it will destroy food security in rural India. How? Read on.

The principal lobby argument for FDI in retail is that the deep pocket and expertise of Walmarts to establish supply chain will make rural areas and farmers prosperous. It does not need a seer to say how illiterate those who advocate this view are about rural India. The report of the “Working Group of the Planning Commission on Agricultural Marketing, Infrastructure, and Policy Required for Internal and External Trade” for the XI Five Year Plan [2007-12], read along with the 19th Report of the Standing Committee of Parliament on Food, Consumer Affairs, and Public Distribution [2006-07] submitted to Parliament draws the true picture of the rural/agricultural India. Compare the farms in India with those in the West. A total of 58.8 million of small and marginal farming families, that is over 32 crore rural people, live on farming in India. Their farm size is 5 acres or less. In contrast, in Canada, it is 1798 acres; in US, 1089 acres; in Australia, 17975 acres; in France, 274 acres; in UK, 432 acres. The US farm size is 250 times larger than the Indian; the Australian farms, 4000 times! Therefore, Farm Gate to Walmart supply chain that works in the US/West cannot be imagined here. Now look at how – and how much of – the Indian farm produce is brought to the market.

The Farm Gate to Walmart theory is founded on the elimination of not only middlemen but also small farmers by making farming contractual and corporate to reap economics of scale. It ignores global studies and Indian experience that affirm that economics of scale does not operate in agriculture. Actually smaller farms gives better production. The SMFs in India farm about 34% of the cultivated area, but produce 41% of food grains; their productivity is 33% higher. Replace small farms by large ones. Nation’s food production will instantly fall by 7%. Not just food. SMFs produce most of the 100.9 million tons of milk. So, unless half the rural population is done away with, small farming cannot be dispensed with. The Working Group concluded: “The small and marginal farmers are certainly going to stay for a long time in India – though they are going to face a number of challenges. Therefore what happens to small and marginal farmers has implications for the entire economy”. More critical is that what SMFs produce, they consume and share with the farm labour; they have no surplus to sell. See how Walmarts will destroy their food security.

A less known, stunning truth about rural India is that more than 60% of India’s food production does not enter commercial stream at all, but gets distributed, consumed within the villages. It is retained or stored by farmers for consumption, payment of wages in kind to farm labour; and for use as seed and feedstock for animals; for sale within the village. Even if a small part of the 60% un-marketed food production is drawn into the market through supply chain which Walmarts will establish, that will mean urban pricing in rural areas. Can SMFs and landless labour afford the market price and buy their food? Never. If that happens, will that what happened Alfanso mango in Konkan and Kerala fish not happen to rural food also? The Konkan people see, but don’t eat Alfanso but only export it for high prices and spend that money on urban goods. And the Kerala fishermen fish and export it at high rates, get cash and drink foreign whisky! The FDI in retail undoubtedly puts at risk, t he food security of SMFs and agriculture labour who who constitute 2/3 of India’s population, as the supply chain of Walmarts will make Alfanso out of the basic food grains in rural areas.

How does the marketable surplus of 40 percent of food produced by Indian farmers cross the village borders and enter the market? Nine out of ten tons [35%] of the surplus [of 40%] that enters the commercial stream enter the market through traditional Haats, Shandies, Fairs whose number is estimated at 47000. Only the balance of 5% directly enters the 6359 traditional wholesale Mandis organised under government supervision. Here begins the modern market economy where the surplus 40% of national production gets traded. This is from where the government procures and stocks food for the nation!

 

How do the Haats/Shandies function? Some 3/4th of them are held once a week; 1/5th twice a week; 1/20th on daily basis; one Haat covers some 14 villages; all put together cover almost the entire 6.58 lakh Indian villages. Some 2/3rd are held at 16 km from the villages; 1/4th at between 6 and 15 km; a tenth at less than 5 km. More than a third of the buyers walk to the Haat; 1/3 use bicycle; the rest use bullock carts, even motorised vehicles. According to the Working Group, at the Haats, the farmers not just trade, but also exchange social and cultural information about neighbourhood areas, settle marriages and disputes, make crop choice and discuss resource allocation. Therefore, the Working Group recommended that instead of asking the farmers to come to government for knowing what they should do and should not, the government should open its offices at the place where millions meet at the Haats. Now, by its retail FDI policy, the UPA government expects Walmart to go where the Planning Commission Working group had asked the government to go! See how the agricultural India is far removed from even the government. National Sample Survey data shockingly reveals that 7 out of 10 Indian farmers had not even heard – yes not even heard – of the Minimum Support Price [MSP] announced by the government with lot of fanfare; 81% of the those who have heard of it do not know – yes do not know – how to use it! This is because the MSP system operates only in Wholesale Mandis, not at Haats. That is why the Working Group wants the government to go to Haats. The Standing Committee rightly asked the government ‘how will farmers who do not know what MSP is, make use of futures market’. The government, which had no answer, finally banned forward trading in foodgrain.

QED: Thanks to FDI in retail, twelve million community-run retail shops are in danger; and rural food security at risk. This is UPA government’s gift for 2012 and onwards.

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RSS Sarsanghachalak on Vijayadashmi at Nagpur

October 6, 2011

Abstract of the speech by Pujya Sarsanghachalak Shri. Mohanji Bhagwat on Vijayadashami, 6 October 2011, at Nagpur

Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh came into existence on this auspicious occasion 86 years ago. The founder of the RSS Dr. Keshav Baliram Hedgewar was a born patriot. He had been an active and committed worker associated with every struggle, movement and campaign aimed at awakening and enlightening the people for the independence of the country and betterment of social life. After a deep introspection, cogitation and discussion with the eminent personalities of the above mentioned endeavours, he reached a common conclusion. Working honestly and selflessly in the interest of the country, however, pursuing different ideologies and methodologies, all such people then and now have been echoing the same ideas in their own words. An objective analysis of the contemporary situation in our country and the world once again lead us to the same conclusion. Since the last Vijayadashmi festival (2010), till now, the changed circumstances brought about by the passage of time have only increased our concerns and they demand from us a sustained endeavour in a particular direction. The scenario in the world and our country and its effect experienced in our day to day life has created a disturbance in all minds .

GLOBAL SCENARIO IN THE CONTEXT OF BHARAT
The powerful countries of the world mount all kinds of efforts to exploit the international situation to establish their hegemony. This explains the current unhealthy competition between US and China for establishing their superiority. On the pretext of its war on terror the active intervention of America have reached our neighbouring Pakistan.
Corruption of the ruling class that has caused a wave of mass-anger and brought in the change of regimes in some of the countries of the middle east is also seen in some corners as a promotion of the interests of America and other western countries. Our neighbour in the north, communist China, is also boosting its strength to establish dominance in the world. Naturally, we can not remain untouched by the turmoil created by this power game. We have always regarded the whole world as one family and we seek an intimate friendship with it rather than dominance. The other countries of the world acknowledge this through their experience of exemplary behavior of Bharateeya’s living abroad. That is why they have trust in us and they welcome us whole heartedly. In tune with this world view of ours and keeping intact our sovereignty, dignity and security, we should take initiative to transform the current disturbed situation of the world into one of mutual trust and cooperation.
We have deep cultural relationship with our neighbouring countries particularly in south-east Asia. Even today this relationship is remembered with gratitude, joy and happiness. We are bound by common economic interests. There is general consensus in these countries that Bharat should lead them and stand by them through thick and thin. We should strengthen our economic, diplomatic and cultural ties with all these countries. We will have to be more focussed in our efforts in making the neighbouring Nepal stable and more favourable to us. We should also initiate efforts to end the miseries of Sri Lankan Tamilians and create a situation where by they will be able to contribute to Sri Lankan society and national life on equal footing with their civil rights and status intact. We have to tighten our security on the Bangladesh border, prevent the border being porous and stop infiltration and illegal trafficking of arms, cattle, fake currency and drugs, while we also have to see that the atmosphere in Bangladesh turns favourable to us. Even though Tibet is still occupied by China, we have to help Tibetans living there as well as those living in Bharat and other parts of the world to vent proper voice to their emotions and protect their human-rights, faith and traditions in their homeland as well as in the world.
CHINA’S MOVES
Occasionally in its own interest China seems to be taking initiative to strengthen its economic, diplomatic and cultural ties with Bharat. But recent events show its intention to expand its influence in the Asian continent and also in Bharat even by using its war strength. Intrusion by the Chinese soldiers in Leh and Ladakh, their entering into the Bharateeya territory and demolishing our bunkers, threatening Bharateeya ships in the South China sea in utter violation of the principle of the international waters and preventing Bharat from oil exploration are the recent examples of the same. China has objection when we improve our relations with countries like Vietnam. It is published in the media that as per our intelligence agency sources China has forged links with terrorists in the north east of Bharat. It is true that we want neither enmity nor war against anyone, but we must remember that we have once in 1962 been a victim of our own dreaming mentality, innocence and also the shrewd and crafty war tactics of China. Still maintaining our cultural ties that we have been enjoying with China since the time of Budhha and also our current economic relations, we nevertheless have to remain vigilant against China, build necessary infrastructure in place on the border, and not allow our military preparedness and vigilance to wither away. There is need to influence international diplomatic dialogues more effectively to garner global support for ourselves in any possible eventuality.
SITUATION IN KASHMIR
Hand in hand with Pakistan, whose military establishment has an avowed enmity with us, China has entered into Gilgit-Baltistan in the northern area of Jammu Kashmir. We have not grasped the geopolitical importance of this northern part of Bharat wherein meet the boundaries of six nations and have allowed them to be victimised by the aggressors. Terrorists are instigated to infiltrate and disturbance is created in Jammu and Kashmir at the behest of Pakistan. The truth is that even the constitution of Pakistan and the highest Court of the POK don’t regard Jammu and Kashmir as a part of Pakistan. Pakistan, even then is engaged in creating trouble in Jammu & Kashmir. Why despite all this, our Central Government and the interlocutors appointed by them insist time and again that Kashmir is a political problem? Kashmir is not merely an internal political problem. It is a problem created by aggression and terrorism instigated from across the border and fanatic fundamentalism, as also by our weak-kneed and indecisive policy. The Centre and the State Governments should pursue a policy of strengthening the voice of patriotic elements opposed to this aggression. The Hindu refugees of 1947-48 should be speedily settled there with full citizenship rights and the displaced Kashmiri Hindus should be able to settle back in their birthland and the land or their ancestors with full preparedness and with impeccable guarantee of their safety so that they can live there as Hindus and Bharateeyas. There should be a sensitive and transparent administration in the State of Jammu and Kashmir which should end discrimination against various castes and classes in the population as well as against regions of Jammu and Ladakh. Article 370 that hinders integration of Jammu and Kashmir with Bharat needs to be abolished. The mentality that harps on the pre-1953 situation and seeks separation of Kashmir from Bharat must be abandoned. The central government and its interlocutors should change their mindset. The pre-1953 situation cannot be the basis of the solution to the Kashmir problem. The unanimous resolution passed by Parliament in 1994 that POK be restored to Bharat should alone be the basis of the tone of discourse on the Kashmir problem.
PROBLEMS OF THE NORTH-EAST
It has now become imperative for our political class to appreciate the pains of the people of the north-east. They should make their understanding and knowledge deeper and thorough as to how to solve problems of those people. Completely deprived of the mass base and almost defunct terrorist groups are being given a fresh lease of life by the Centre and the State governments by initiating dialogues with them. Even a 60 (sixty) days blockade of Manipur some years ago did not show any impact on the government, nor is there any willingness visible at present to take action against the uncontrolled terrorism there. The Riyang tribe displaced from Mizoram to Tripura is facing its total extinction; but the administration is not even remotely aware of it. Without trying to understand or even listen to the problems of the people in the region and in spite of the problems arising out of a large scale infiltration into Assam, the Bharat Government seems to be over-willing in its talks with Bangladesh to part away Bharateeya Territory. Our incomplete and superficial understanding and awareness and our indifference to the difficulties of the people, our lack of a clear-cut national perspective and our mentality to exploit anything and everything for political gains have compounded the problems of the north-east as is the case with Jammu and Kashmir.
TERRORISM
It is perhaps this very lack of perspective, study and sensitiveness that our Home Minister has recently come out with a strange statement. He has stated that out of the various terrorist activities in the country the Maoists or the Naxalites are the more dangerous outfits. Does it mean that there are less or more dangerous forms of terrorism? Then if it is so, how could the Central Government appoint a person on a Committee of the Planning Commission, when a State Government suspects that person of having links with this “more dangerous” terrorist outfit?
There are people who shirk their responsibility of strongly fighting problems that threaten the unity and integrity of the country and instead foist the responsibility on the State governments. These people should desist from spreading misinformation and gloom amongst the people. Because of such thinking, the demand for quashing the death sentence of the killers of our former Prime Minister is getting political support. The Jammu and Kashmir assembly allowed the tabling of the resolution for quashing the death sentence given to Afzal Guru, guilty of attack on Parliament, while it did not even allow a discussion and support on a resolution passed unanimously by Parliament in 1994. Political activities in our country do not seem to be inspired by a clear national perspective.
ECONOMIC POLICY
The lack of clear vision and perspective is also reflected in the economic policies and activities of the country. The failures and shortcomings of the economic model of the West have been abundantly exposed in the world. Therefore, we will have to look for a distinct developmental model which should be based on our own unique world view fulfilling the requirements of our people and promoting prosperity and culture hand in hand and also strengthening the pace of progress with our identity. Over the last six decades we have simply been avoiding to achieve this and instead are imitating the West. The common people are made to pay for this through nose. While the prices of goods are sky-rocketing, the salaries of the members of the parliament and the assemblies are being hiked frequently. The poor are getting poorer and we are still indulged in defining the criteria of poverty. Moreover, instead of protecting agricultural, grazing and forest lands for the future, keeping pace with the growing population, we are forcibly acquiring agricultural land for creating Special Economic Zones (SEZ) and opening fire on the farmers who are opposing such acquisitions. Instead of tapping our own abundant resources such as geothermal, bio and thorium based sources of energy, we are hell bent on acquiring on costly terms and conditions the expensive nuclear energy which the west itself is jettisoning.
Instead of providing the retail traders with necessary training and ability to compete with the organised trade houses, foreign investment is being wooed in the field of retail trade. How can a common man with limited income for his family afford to provide expensive education to his children? He is totally lost in distress. Common man sees with growing concern the government’s reluctance in getting back the black money stashed away in foreign banks and also the deliberate laxity and delay in initiating legal proceedings against these account holders.
ANTI-CORRUPTION MOVEMENT
The pent up rage of the common man created out of the above frustrating conditions exploded into massive support for the recent anti corruption movements. Return of the black money from the foreign banks, effective legislation against corruption and its implementation without any outside interference and influence, and bringing the Prime Minister and other top functionaries within the ambit of the anti graft law – all these have become issues that give vent to the feelings of the people. The Government had to cave in to the popular pressure but total success is still not in sight. In the cases of corruption some people are in the dock as scape-goats, but known and unknown bigwigs are still at large. All the big and small organizations participating in the anticorruption movement need to sink their differences and unite to achieve long term success. The issue of corruption is not concerned merely with the theft of wealth. Investigations about major corruption cases have revealed that foreign secret agencies or criminal groups have been managing the black money of these corrupts. Thus it becomes a serious issue involving integrity, sovereignity and also the security of the country. Hence we should stay clear from power groups which have dubious background and are impatiently credit hungry. Rejection of symbols of patriotism such as “VANDEMATARAM”and ‘BHARATMATA” and gimmies to gain cheap popularity can never be tolerated in any national movement. It is necessary to keep away from those tendencies and forces existing in the so-called minorities that pander to the narrow, fanatic and separatist ideas. We will have to take care that, persons and tendencies that maintain total transparency especially in the matter of money and resources, are on board. Otherwise, taking advantage of these weaknesses, the elements that oppose the movement can create an atmosphere of distrust and calumny. This may give boost to the elements involved in creating problems for the security of our country.
The RSS volunteers are already active in all movements against corruption without craving for their own position and credit. But everyone should keep it in mind that the law alone cannot solve the problem of corruption. We will have to bring about fundamental changes in the very system that breeds in corruption. For this the administrative system will have to be made more transparent and responsive to the needs of the common people. We will have to create an environment conducive for developing cultural values. We will have to bring electoral reform to bring in the end of crime and money power. Only then we can ensure true representation of the people. The tax system will have to be more rational. We will have to end the commercialization of our educational system and make it more conducive for cultural upbringing. In this way we will need to bring in a total and comprehensive change in reform and keep up the pressure for its implementation.
The most important thing is that we will have to inculcate good values in society such as the sense of social responsibility, pure character and social services and altruism. Total eradication of corruption from society is next to impossible without setting examples through our good and moral conduct that creates an environment for such values in every village and hamlet. The RSS is working with full concentration on this fundamentally important issue.
However, the way the top leaders in the Government seem to be inclined to see things during the movement causes surprise and concern. The use of brute force, deception and arrogance by a foreign government against the innocent people agitating for their legitimate demands could be expected but using such tactics by a government in an independent country is never acceptable. Our political environment has become predominantly power-centric. Concomitantly, the national interests have receded in the background and there prevails insensitivity against the common people. Though not excusable, its reasons are not difficult to understand. But the new happenings have given rise to question whether the future of our country is safe or otherwise in the hands of such political forces.
PROPOSED COMMUNAL AND TARGETED VIOLENCE BILL
The National Integration Council at its recent meeting held on September 10, 2011 discussed the proposed Communal and Targeted Violence Bill. Majority of its members have categorically and strongly opposed the proposed bill. Honourable Prime Minister promised to put forward a revised draft for discussion, but even a cursory look at the original draft shows that it is a deceitful action of destructive mind and distorted ideology aimed at destroying the social harmony thus violating the spirit of our constitution. Moreover, one does not know the constitutional position and power of the so called National Advisory Council that has prepared the said draft bill. Curiously, the chairperson of that NAC is also the President of the leading party of the ruling coalition, the United Progressive Alliance (UPA). One may ask as to how such a draft bill that can cause permanent civil disturbances and strife in the country could be prepared under her leadership. Is it true that some of the members of the NAC are under a cloud and their integrity has been questioned by the highest court of the land? Whether our country is run by our Cabinet or by such elements with a distorted and antinational mind? Are we really independent or living in a hidden subjugation? The proposed legislation seeks to destroy the federal structure and contemptuously disregards the rights of the States giving absolute power to the Centre to dismiss a State Government on mere allegation. The Bill is absolutely anti democracy as it provides wide ranging powers to a body that will leave everyone, including the chief minister of the state to the level of an ordinary employee cowering under fear of suspension and behave like puppets. This goes against the basic principles of public administration. Is it not an attempt to clamp a permanent emergency on the people of the country through a backdoor? As per this legislation a mere allegation leveled against a person is enough to implicate him, his organisation or party or government. Is it not unethical to the concept of justice? There is mention of imaginary crimes such as “mental torture”. Does this anti-justice, anti-democracy and anti-constitutional legislation which is a product of perverted minds, merit any consideration at all? The proposed legislation seeks to destroy our sense of national unity and divide the citizens of the country. This legislation represents a total negation of our national interests.
Parliament and the Government elected by the people of Bharat with the hope that they will provide protection and promote love and justice for all should not allow this draft bill even for discussion in any form; and should summarily reject it. The security and justice for the so- called minorities can be guaranteed by law combined with the goodwill prevailing in society. Any attempt to bring in this piece of legislation that destroys social harmony even in any other form would meet with stout opposition and disapproval from the people, because though the form may change, the very draft of the Bill had made it clear that there was an anti-national conspiratorial mentality working at the back of these efforts.
ORGANISED GOOD PEOPLE, SPIRITED SOCIETY– THE ONLY SOLUTION
A politics bereft of will power and clear and fearless national perspective becomes a collection of shaky policies, cowardice, shirking of responsibilities and selfish considerations creating an atmosphere of mistrust and frustration. Our society has to take the onus of marching ahead on its glorious path by checking aggressive and dangerous tendencies threatening us on one hand and creating power and unity in all endeavours of our national life on the other. The ever victorious benevolent divine power in form of Durga arose out of collective endeavours of the gods and defeated the demons. This is the ancient history of today’s auspicious festival. The existing circumstances are once again demanding of us the same collective endeavour with will to be victorious and it is the native Hindu society that will have to meet this demand.
Saint Gyaneshwar has prayed in the concluding chapter of “The Gyaneshwari” that good heartedness, wisdom of good actions, feelings of mutual friendship amongst all, everybody pursuing life based on Dharma and fulfillment of everybody’s wishes should prevail. He has sought blessings for the evolution of a society that teams with groups of people who are God-fearing, gentle, virtuous and dedicated to the welfare of all. This was the conclusion of all great men of creative minds in modern Bharat to transform their dream of a Bharat as independent, harmonious, powerful and vishwa-guru into a reality. This again is the fianl verdict of all those selfless and honest people who are working to promote the interests of our country. People who are not even slightly affected by selfishness, who are immensely sensible and devoted to society and who without fear and equivocation keep proclaiming the identity of our ancient nation, its all-unifying culture and glory and devotion towards its embodiment in Bharat Mata – undivided and overflowing with consciousness. Living examples of such persons will have to rise in every village and locality. It is through the nationwide collective selfless and dedicated efforts of these good people that our country could feel incandescent with wellbeing and good fortune.
CLARION CALL
The RSS is an effort to realise and establish this universally acceptable thought and conduct by organising the Hindus and was founded in a miniscule form 86 years ago. Today it stands before you in its vastly expanded form as an invaluable means of mobilising the well-meaning people. Let us become a part of it. Let us create an atmosphere of goodwill, fearlessness and patriotism in society. All the RSS volunteers should realise this responsibility and apply themselves to this work with full vigour and enthusiasm.
Let us discharge our duty in keeping our society united and harmonious with full confidence that our truthful path will prevail. Our victory is inevitable.
With heart filled with devotion to Rashtra
If the country stands as one
Overcoming all its problems
The Rashtra will stand victorious.

You can access the Hindi and English version at the following URL:
http://rssonnet.org/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=175&Itemid=99999999

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Jatindranath Das – A Forgotten Hero

September 12, 2011

 On September 13, 1929, a youth from Bengal gave up his life in a prison of Lahore fasting for 63 days. 

 

The year 1929 was also when India’s freedom movement was getting the better of Gandhi. In 1928, Lala Lajpat Rai, who had an illustrious past in pre-Gandhian Congress, but like other Arya Samajists had become a Gandhian, succumbed to injuries from lathi charge at a Anti-Simon Commission rally in Lahore. The Bhagat Singh troika, in order to avenge Lalaji’s death, shot down the guilty police officer Saunders in broad daylight. Bhagat Singh escaped from Lahore and resurfaced on April 8, 1929, with Batukeshwar Dutt at Delhi’s Central Legislative Assembly, hurling two crude bombs and bundles of propaganda pamphlets.

 

Within days of Bhagat Singh’s arrest, police unearthed a house in Lahore used as a bomb making workshop. It followed a string of arrests like Sukhdev, Hansraj and Jaigopal; and further Shiv Verma, Rajguru, Vijay Singh and finally Jatin Das from Calcutta. This sensational event became popular as the Lahore Conspiracy Case that ultimately led to the execution of Bhagat Singh-Rajguru-Sukhdev on March 23, 1931.

 

But a year and half before Bhagat Singh trio, Lahore Conspiracy Case, claimed another victim viz Jatin Das. He laid down his life in a Lahore prison in Gandhian fashion. But Gandhi’s attitude towards him was more cold and intriguing. Subhas Bose, who admired Jatin Das wrote, “Jatin Das was twenty-five at the time of his death. While a student he had joined the Non-Cooperation Movement in 1921 and had spent several years in prison. At the time of the Calcutta Congress in 1928 and after, he had taken a leading part in organising and training volunteers…” (pp 179-80). Whether at Cellular Jail (where Savarkar stayed) or Mandalay (where Bose was incarcerated) Britishjailers treated extremist political prisoners as harshly as any murderer or robber. In June, arrestees of Lahore Conspiracy Case decided to go on hunger strike to protest against atrocities. Though Jatin Das did not initiate that hunger strike, nonetheless he stopped them from deserting. The hunger strike aroused intense agitation in the country, but little softened the heart of the British authorities.

 

Bose chronicled subsequently, “As the days rolled by, one by one the hunger-strikers dropped off, but young Jatin was invincible. He never hesitated, never faltered for one small second but marched straight on towards death and freedom. Every heart in the country melted but the heart of the bureaucracy did not.  So Jatin died on September 13th. But he died a martyr’s death.

 

After his supreme sacrifice, the whole country gave him an ovation which few men in our recent history have received. As his body was removed from Lahore to Calcutta for cremation, people assembled in their thousands and tens of thousands at every station to pay their homage” (p 179).  

 

Bose wrote, “In this connection, the attitude of the Mahatma was inexplicable. Evidently, the martyrdom of Jatin Das, which had stirred the heart of the country, did not make any impression on him. The pages of Young India ordinarily filled with observations on all political events and also on topics like health, diet, etc., had nothing to say about the incident. A follower of Mahatma, who was also a close friend of the deceased, wrote to him inquiring as to why he had said nothing about the event. The Mahatma replied to the effect that he had purposely refrained from commenting, because if he had done so, he would have been forced to write something unfavourable” (p 180).

 

When will the Nation Give Him His Due ?

 

Source : Daily Pioneer

 

 

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Who is afraid of the Hindu nation

August 26, 2011

NGOs as instruments of hate and fratricide – By George Thundiparambil

http://www.vigilonline.com/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=971&Itemid=118

For Indians who are aware of the anti-Hindu agendas of Christian, Islamic and Communist organisations in India and abroad, it is neither shocking nor surprising that numerous NGOs have sprung up throughout the country, which act as sole agents for these alien and hostile organisations. As we come to know from the few, but meticulously written articles of this book, most of these agents are mercenaries of alien masters, and that they are best described as Nehruvian secularists. The Macaulayan pat on the shoulder for submissive behaviour has been loyally sustained and well-absorbed by Nehruvian Stalinism, which epithet describes the Nehruvian-Stalinist policy of sharing the loot among acolytes and relatives.

From the Mitrokhin revelations, we also know that the policy of working for alien imperialist agencies had been vigorously flourishing even after India’s so-called independence in 1947. This type of activity is generally designated as treason and is punishable by law, but on the contrary, we have seen that such behaviour is more than unsuitably rewarded with Government patronage, privilege and high position in society. We see numerous, unscrupulous Indians like Harsh Mander still prospering on dishonour. There are thousands of Manders out there with a different upbringing and educational background, but all have one thing in common – they are all Nehruvian secularists and Marxists working against Hindu India and the native traditions that brought forth them. Is it only greed or an evil mindset cast by India’s enemies?

Like any other instrument, an NGO can be used for good or for bad. For foreign powers that have illicit designs for a naturally democratic country like India, buying an NGO or a willing-to-be-bought activist would appear to be the simplest way to fulfil and implement their agenda. In India, which we understand had never been free from the imperialist powers of Christianity, Islam and Marxism, there is no shortage of custommade Harsh Manders. For instance, one Cedric Prakash, on assignment for the Vatican, but masquerading as a social worker in Gujarat, has been bending over backwards cheering and advocating for India’s enemies, especially Pakistan, when he is not painting the Hindu civilisation black.

Here, greed is the perk, where Christian and Islamic organisations combined with their Marxist cronies lead the traitors by their noses. To understand them better, one can go by their own allegories, which have two significant indications. In Christian tradition, the believing Christian is depicted as the sheep and the Muslim is the tiger. In the first indication, in Christianity, this image is taken further to make the clergy the shepherd dog or the hound of god juxtaposed against the lay sheep who include the already converted. The Christian metaphor extends also to those pagans and infidels who are potential converts – these are the ‘missing’ and the ‘black sheep’ who could be converted into obedient, sacrificial sheep in future. In reality though, the hound of god is the wolf that infiltrates the herd of sheep, and after taking control of it, finishes them off one at a time. Meanwhile, the tiger that is unseen, but is always there hiding behind the bushes, preys on the isolated sheep. In the second indication, this allegory is extended to their own ranks of victims. By systematic training and solid investment from abroad, the Christian sheep and the Islamic tigers are fed and fattened in such unnatural and aberrant circumstances (more or less like broiler chicken) that satiating the desire for wealth becomes secondary to the reserved seat in nowhere land, also known as Paradise or Houristan.

Modern-day Indian Marxists are closely enmeshed in the allegory by their own behaviour. They are the unscrupulous and vulgar hyenas chained to long transnational leashes, smacking their lips and waiting in the sidelines, while the more fierce carnivores (Christian wolves and Islamic tigers) devour the natural religionists. These carnivores don’t mind the despicable hyenas; they might even make a few adjustments here and there, throwing scraps at them, as a potential ally/agent against the Hindu as they perceive the Hindu ‘black sheep’ becoming resilient and even assertive.

The rewarding principle that is active in typical Abrahamic religionist behaviour (which Stalin imbibed and Nehru copied) lets the cat out of the bag – awards and funding go only to the Hindu-bashers; the ‘rewarding’ being a fingerprint of the ‘almighty God’ of Christians and Muslims (and the Marxist who blindly follows them from scripture to fanatic fervour). A totally naïve reader might ask at this point: What do Christians and Muslims from abroad achieve by proxy Hindu bashing?

The answer to this question lies in the answer to other questions: Why are the Abrahamic religionists, Marxists and Nehruvian secularists collectively frightened of Hindu nationalism? Why is political power for the Hindus a dreaded nightmare for imperialist religionists and ideologies across the world? The answer is: A successful and powerful Hindu nation poses a religious, psychological and cultural challenge to the very existence of these ideologies and cultures, because the very rise of Hindus is a success of all things natural that these enemies have been striving to exterminate. As if these enemies are afraid of the success of nature itself!

To understand the above answer better, one has to point out the peculiar feature of these ideologies, which are essentially based on pre-conditions on nature. For instance, humans, like all nature, are held to be inherently (genetically) primitive and evil, and the only solution for progress for humans in each of these ideologies is conversion to their respective ideology. For the sustenance of the foundations of their belief systems, Christians and Muslims (and Marxists following at their heels) have to deny certain aspects of reality, for instance, the nature of humanity itself. The score of all the cultural or civilisational progress that these ideologies feign to possess has been dependent on how they compare themselves (converts to these ideologies) with those who have not converted (natural), in this case the Hindus. So, the rise of Hindu nationalism and Hindu economic and political power signals the failure of systems that have been striving to put down the Hindu and what the Hindu signifies. Therefore, a Hindu nation is a threat to the very existence of these frail ideologies, which go against the grain of human nature and reality itself.

The Christian and Islamic religious organisations are no governmental organisations, but they presume and act as if they are supra-governmental organisations. They are no more and no less than any other NGO, but to gullible folk they issue fatwas and pastoral letters, which are meant to override the rule of law of a nation on the premise that these religions don’t respect the concepts of nation and democracy. Government sources in Thiruvananthapuram, Kerala, who wish to remain anonymous, confide that many Christian churches have not paid the State Government revenue for decades for the immense plantations run on vast encroached lands. The Christian and Islamic clergy are members of exclusive, professional, religious, non-governmental and non-democratic organisations and are to be viewed by us Indians as agents of transnational institutions who have antinational, anti-democratic and fascist agendas. If anybody were to have any doubts on that, check on their bye-laws (scriptures) and historical track records.

National and cultural identities are neither recognised nor respected by these extra-territorial organisations, especially if these regional identities are not corrupted by conversion. The collective motivation of these organisations is not simply the annihilation of local identities, but its replacement with their ideologies, which our Hindu ancestors would discard as trash for their non-experiential primary principles. Any Christian or Islamic NGO is intrinsically a hate propagandist. No amount of washing and cleaning with the much advertised ‘love’ and ‘peace’ soaps will ever remove the systemic flaws of hate and internecine warfare that stain their theological cassocks and gelabas. All efforts of proselytisation by these religious organisations who work round-the-clock in India spring from the venom of hate and fratricide embedded in their scriptures. The nefarious activities of the NGOs described in this book ultimately also stem from the same evil ideological fountain.

Hijacking of terms It might be well worth to distinguish between certain concepts that have become ambiguous in recent times due to tactical turnarounds of the Semitic consciousness in India. For instance, the word ‘secularism’, which denotes the ‘exclusion of religious considerations’, means ‘the appeasement of minority religions’ in India, ushered into vogue by the Nehruvians. On the same principle, the words ‘liberty’, ‘democracy’, etc., have taken different meanings in the hands of Christian fundamentalists who have included these terms in their list of Christian values. In actuality, the whole list is a fraudulent enterprise, because to them ‘liberty’ means the ‘freedom to convert natural people’ and ‘democracy’ means the ‘rule of the elite minority’. The real and original Christian values (‘original sin’ and ‘the poor and the meek shall inherit’) are exemplars of the malevolent deception of human consciousness, for these are anti-values at best, considering that ‘original sin’ and ‘poor/meek shall inherit’ are experientially false propositions.

In reality, the concepts of ‘liberty’ and ‘democracy’ came in the wake of the White man’s discovery of his pre-Semitic heritage that led to the European Renaissance, and it is a fallacy of Hindus and non-Hindus alike to believe that the above-said values, along with ‘freedom of expression’, have anything to do with Christianity or any of the Abrahamic religions. These modern human values originated in rationality and cultural progress, which is the natural inheritance of human consciousness, brought forth by bold rebellion within Western Christian culture. One may recall that Voltaire was persecuted by Christians for his belief in the natural goodness of humans, which is a premise that all Hindu thought intrinsically reflects. All modern, Western rational values have originated as a rebellion against the prevailing Semitic legacy of hate and fratricide, which inevitably manifested in fascism and oppression that characterised Europe not so long ago.

The phrase ‘human rights’ too has been given a twist by our Western Christian mates, whose child it is, and in whose glossary only the converts are considered ‘human’. This is logical thinking on their part, however, because the non-experiential basis of their ideology holds that the natural man is deficient of goodness and rationality and only by converting to their ideologies can the ‘unconverts’ (in this case, Hindus) be considered ‘human’. This explains why Kashmiri Pandits and poor Indian and Bangladeshi Hindu victims come outside the purview of their myopic ambit. In Hindu thought, conception of ‘rights’ for a particular being, like the human, is impossible, because their prime principles envisage every being, whether animal or human, as having its own rights and duties, which is termed ‘dharma’. One may also note that the ‘animal rights’ activism was born as a rebellion from within against the prevalent, primitive Christian sense and sensibility that gave birth to the ‘human rights’.

The corruption of Hindu terms such as jati, varna and kula by Western agencies also ultimately serves to push the agenda of keeping the Hindus on the backfoot, thus conserving the momentum started by Islamic invasions more than a millennium ago to erase them from the face of the earth.

The password to international success: ‘Anti-Hindu’
Guidelines for procuring lucrative international awards: Start your career by unleashing a tirade against the Hindus and Hindu civilisation. In order to become successful as a mercenary, start an NGO and visit the USA and tell the Christian fundamentalists there what they want to hear: how evil and backward the unconverted, pagan Hindus are. Compare them with Nazis and then on the way back home, make a stopover in Pakistan and talk ‘peace’ and mention the ‘atrocities’ committed by Indian soldiers in Kashmir. Punch the Hindu on the nose whenever you can, and if you have accrued enough points, you’ll start winning international awards. When the NGO accounts are in a mess, close shop and start another NGO. Nehruvian secularists with Hindu names are preferred for the NGO industry. The password is ‘Anti-Hindu’.

This password unites many combinations and bands of strange bedfellows, like the Christian and the Marxist, the Muslim and the Marxist, and the Christian and the Muslim, and all three of them together in an orgy. They gang up to laugh at their own ancestors and their own culture that sustains them. Probably money makes up for all the discomfort attached to their betrayal. It has also become very effective to bludgeon Hindus wielding the modern sensibilities of Western thought. It is a fashion nowadays for seemingly glamorous Nehruvian secularists to portray the Hindu way of life as degenerate by alluding to the various unsophisticated factors in the Indian daily life, such as sexual prudishness, which actually have been the ill-effects of centuries of Muslim and Christian rule.

The sense and sensibility of a nation and a culture can be discerned only in its art and literature. Look at some of the famous Hindu temple architecture and read some of the ancient Indian literature. Sexuality had never been an issue in ancient India. Homosexuality became a social prejudice in India only after the arrival of the European who biblically indulged in it and then outlawed it. The naturality of human nudity in India was perverted for the first time after the arrival of the first invader from the West. Now, it seems, the Macaulayan upstarts have started preaching the sexy sermon to the Hindus. There is no liberality existing in Western society, which had not existed in Hindu India at some point of time or the other.

The activists and NGOs portrayed in this book are all experienced mercenaries nourished by foreign funds and ideologies, and they display a hate and contempt for all things Hindu, reminiscent of the colonial hell-fire missionaries who were notorious for spitting sulphurous fumes at Hindu Gods. These old, mean missionaries from the West have been replaced, for obvious reasons, by paid, venom-spitting Nehruvian advocates who continue their demolition work of the ancient Indian civilisation. The activists picked up for scrutiny in this book have all one thing in common. Their colourful anti-Hindu rhetoric reverberating with anti-Hindu sentiments have all been carefully prepared to please their overseas paymasters. Starting from Arundhati Roy, the self-proclaimed ‘slave of the American empire’, to Sandeep Pandey, the undercover Maoist, there appears a substratum throughout their anti-national claims that reveals their ulterior motives. All of them have received ample compensation from foreign agencies for their mercenary efforts. And, it is a tell-tale evidence of foreign involvement that there is no home-sponsored NGO or activist short-listed in this book for sedition or treason. It is a hopeful sign, at the least, that Macaulay’s brood cannot function without the dollar.

The melodramatic tirade of the anti-Hindu brigade is often marinated in the ludicrous, for the speakers very well know that neither the so-called ‘fascist’ state of India nor the ‘Hindu Nazi and Taliban’ will pounce upon them like a real fascist government or the gruesome Taliban and decimate them. They mercilessly humiliate the brave Indian soldier or the principled pracharak knowing too well that the Hindus, frustrated or not, are not going to issue a fatwa against them, nor murder them like mad dogs on the street. On the contrary, these soldiers and pracharaks make their lives safe and secure from their own diabolical bedfellows. The venom of hate and contempt that these mercenary activists regurgitate can only freely flow in the singularly peaceable Hindu culture, which they are paid to abhor. Or else, how can one explain the fact that these activists still walk the street and lead free and peaceful lives despite their extremely provocative diatribe against a culture and a nation? If they would do the same against Pakistan, China or even the USA, they will know first hand what exactly fascist terror is. These activists are not only greedy mercenaries, but also cowards and hypocrites of the lowest order. If letting these lowly mercenaries carry on with their villainy without penalties is not evidence of the generosity and liberality of Hindu culture, then what could it be? This fact itself exposes the blatant lies and mercenary accusations of the Nehruvian-Stalinist tribe.

The insult to the Hindu Modi
Anti-Hindu activity dramatically increased as a result of the political success of Hindus, which was during the tenure of the BJP Government at the Centre. For the enemies of the Hindu civilisation who had banked on the inertial passivity of Hindus in all sectors, the demolition of the Babri Masjid was a shocking slap on the cheek. The consequent worldwide condemnation was followed by increased NGO activity that can best be compared to mobilisation of armies in the time of war. When the BJP Government carried out the nuclear tests in the latter half of the decade, the shock of the anti-Hindu brigade turned to panic. By that time, many of the spies and mercenaries were already dug in for the ambush, guns at the ready. And then rose one of the most successful Hindu leaders of modern India, Narendra Modi. And all the guns turned on Gujarat.

Hindus don’t really believe in coincidences; they would rather trust in the workings of karma and fate. But the choice of Godhra for the carnage of Hindus does not appear to be a coincidence even to an agnostic, given the background of the rising Hindu political power and a Hindu cultural renaissance. And there was Narendra Modi making Gujarat an exemplar of Hindu brilliance.

In the latter half of 1986, when I arrived in Ahmedabad for the first time, I wasn’t allowed to leave the railway station till it was past 6 in the morning. When I enquired, the reason was Hindu-Muslim riots. In 2002, once again, Muslim criminals played into the hands of the Nehruvian Stalinists, who engineered the Godhra incident. What followed was lapped up by the anti-Hindu brigade and their overseas sponsors as the rebellion in hell itself. The media blitz that unravelled in the subsequent days made it out as if Hindu-Muslim riots have never occurred before in India, not until Narendra Modi appeared on the scene, as if the Muslim bandits of yore who invaded India were always welcomed with flower garlands.

Thwarted again by a resilient Modi, the mercenaries bade their time polishing their shoes and pens plotting revenge. The news of Modi’s proposed trip to the USA came as an ideal opportunity for the bogus activists who scurried to the US with only one agenda in their itinerary. Humiliate Narendra Modi! For the US authorities, however, the anti-Hindu mercenary efforts were like what the doctor prescribed. All they needed were administered by the Nehruvians. Modi was denied a US visa. To see the whole picture behind the scenes, one needs to figure out what the US thinks of Hindutva and Modi.

For the US State Department and the CIA, and in fact for almost all the Western establishments, Narendra Modi symbolises the successful Hindutva politician who managed to secure a twothird majority in the Gujarat assembly. If this Hindutva tendency were to be emulated at the national level, the Hindus would soon have a Hindustan with a rewritten constitution, equal rights as other religions, uniform civil code, anti-conversion laws and the re-establishment of the pagan values of tolerance and humanism. And how on earth can one allow that? For the people who follow the Abrahamic faith, not taking the opportunity for a snub against the heathen would be a sin against the god in heaven. For George Bush, Condoleeza Rice and the whole retinue of Abrahamic extremists, Hinduism is not a religion, but the worship of the devil. That is the essence of what they are taught to believe in, and which they believe in. The insult to Modi is an insult to every Hindu, no matter what anyone believes in.

Had Narendra Modi been a Christian or a Muslim, or for that matter, a Marxist or a Nehruvian secularist like Rajiv Gandhi, the Gujarat riots notwithstanding, the US would not have denied a visa to him. Being a successful Hindu is enough reason today, particularly among those who swear on the Abrahamic God, for attracting humiliation. If the now deceased pope’s brazen declaration of intent to baptize the subcontinent and the crass Joshua evangelisation plan backed by George Bush were not blatant contempt for the Hindu culture, then what would it be? The new pope has meanwhile declared evangelisation as the prime motive of the Catholic Church.

Safeguards against the alien menace

NGOs and activists funded by anti-Hindu outfits are racking their brains scheming their next move against the Hindu civilisation. The foreign money flowing into India from abroad for Christian and Islamic organisations is completely unaccounted for. India’s Nehruvian Stalinists have already seen to it that Christian and Islamic coffers are left alone for carrying out their nefarious, imperialistic agendas. The amount of money pouring into India from Saudi Arabia for advancing its evil Wahabi ideas can only be guessed at. The recent Saudi plan for 1500 new madrasas in the subcontinent and the Christian Joshua Project running into billions of dollars testify to this accelerating offensive against natural religionists such as the Hindus. Without a constitutional mechanism in India to scourge these potent instruments of antinational forces, they have already proven to be a menace.

The kind of ideology that is flushed into the impressionable minds in Christian schools and Islamic madrasas strives to create a transnational loyalty in the subjects, which loyalty is however affected by the irrational holes in their respective belief systems. The sustained impartation of ‘incorrect knowledge’ to new generations is slowly leading Indians towards an identity crisis. For instance, the answer of Nehruvian Stalinists to the question – Who is an Indian? – is absolutely predictable. They would first deny that there ever was a Hindu India. They would try to give a sort of background that would negate even the remotest suggestion of a Hindu identity for the whole of India. They would completely deny that India was ever one country. So, they would say, the modern Indian is the descendant of migrant barbarians, the so-called Aryans, who were civilised by subsequent Muslims and Christians from the West. All the great things that you see or hear about India, according to these paid slaves of hatemongers, are achievements of Islamic and Christian heritage.

The California textbook issue is notable for bringing to the fore two aspects significant for the Hindu civilisation: one, the malignant karma of the Western, so-called ‘Indologists’ whose life-time academic enterprises are confined to tarnishing the Hindu civilisation. Second, it highlights the emergence of the unapologetic and proud Hindu who is leading the fightback in a foreign country. The battle lines have been clearly drawn. The anti-Hindu brigade led by Abrahamic religionists and Nehruvian foot soldiers on one side, and the dharmic Hindus (righteous pagans) on the other. This is the ultimate clash of civilisations, which would manifest sooner or later on every land in this world.

The need of the hour for Hindus is to stop the advance of these vicious enemies who try to decimate our national and cultural identity and our ideals of democracy and equality. No individual is above the rule of law, and if a breach has been made against the law and constitution, it is the duty of every right-minded citizen to aid our nation in getting rid of this menace. If the law has been subverted by hook or by crook, it is time for Hindus, the natural religionists of the subcontinent, to unite, to assert and take the matter into their own hands and make new laws that are both fair and congenial to the principles of a peaceable and progressive civilisation worldwide. I am sure this book would go a long way in disseminating correct information about the ongoing war against Hindus, in which NGOs act as the main conduits of hate and fratricide.

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Posted by arisebharat

The Prevention of Communal Targeted Violence Bill 2011

June 9, 2011

The Prevention of Communal Targeted Violence (Access to Justice and Reparation) Bill 2011 drafted by the “National Advisory Council” Chaired by Sonia Gandhi is based on the presumption that communal trouble is created only by the majority community and never by the minority community. Many of the moderate Muslim and Christian leaders accept that the character of Bharat is secular only because of the majority Hindus. Yet, the government seems to be hell bent on targeting the Hindus on some pretext or the others. This would be a very powerful tool in the hands of the rabidly anti-Hindu Congress. Some more important articles regarding the issue are documented below.

We must protest this. Kindly send your responses to wgcvb@nac.nic.in before 10th June 2011.

An online petition is also hosted at

http://www.adhivaktaparishad.org/?p=221

It is time to act NOW.

Communal & Sectarian Violence Bill, 2010

Drafting Committee

Gopal Subramanium
Maja Daruwala
Najmi Waziri
P.I.Jose
Prasad Sirivella
Teesta Setalvad
Usha Ramanathan (upto 20 Feb 2011)
Vrinda Grover (upto 20 Feb 2011)
Conveners of Drafting Committee

Farah Naqvi, Convener, NAC Working Group
Harsh Mander, Member, NAC Working Grou
Advisory Group Members

Abusaleh Shariff
Asgar Ali Engineer
Gagan Sethi
H.S Phoolka
John Dayal
Justice Hosbet Suresh
Kamal Faruqui
Manzoor Alam
Maulana Niaz Farooqui
Ram Puniyani
Rooprekha Verma
Samar Singh
Saumya Uma
Shabnam Hashmi
Sister Mary Scaria
Sukhdeo Thorat
Syed Shahabuddin
Uma Chakravarty
Upendra Baxi
Aruna Roy, NAC Working Group Member
Professor Jadhav, NAC Working Group Member
Anu Aga, NAC Working Group Member
Joint Conveners of Advisory Group

Farah Naqvi, Convener, NAC Working Group
Harsh Mander, Member, NAC Working Group
Important to note that the advisors are all from the NAC Working Group and most of the members of the Drafting committee are rabid anti-Hindus.

Who are the Members of NAC ?

NAC, National Advisory Council would be the extra-constitutional authority working like a super-cabinet governing the bill a. Some of the dubious profiles of the members are exposed below. I invite the readers to send any dubious information that you may have regarding the others as well.

Chair person – Smt.Sonia Gandhi – Nothing left to be said about her after all the exposes about her by Sri Gurumurthy and Sri Subramaniam Swamy. That she lived in the Prime Minister’s residence for 17 years without bothering to take a citizenship is testimony of the poor security system in the country. The actual power centre in the Congress..her role behind the attacks on the Sadhus, maths, plans to usurp temple lands, scams has to be investigated. More About Sonia

Ms.Aruna Roy -Magsaysay awardee and ex-IAS officer Aruna Roy, and self-proclaimed defender of ‘secular’ rights for Muslims in Gujarat. She along with Jean Dreze and Harsh Mander are one group. Roy is signatory to the ‘Decisions and Action Plan’ of the ‘People’s Conference against Globalisation, 21st-23rd March 2001, New Delhi’. Its full report appeared as a ‘special feature’ in the April 2001 issue of ‘Liberation, the central organ of the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist)’. The CPI (M-L) is an avowed advocate of selective violence and has an established record of anti-nationalism and anti- Hinduism. Associated in the work of Parivartan are Harsh Mander, Aruna Roy and Shekhar Singh. The inference is obvious.

Ms.Farah Naqvi –Her road to fame was her role in the Bilkis Bano gang-rape case, which became the first Gujarat riot case to be reinvestigated by the CBI and transferred to Mumbai.

Shri Harsh Mander – He was awarded the Rajiv Gandhi National Sadbhavana Award for peace work, and the M.A. Thomas National Human Rights Award 2002. ( This person is a liar and an active participant in the Congress attempt to target Narendra Modi. He lied that he resigned from IAS due to the 2002 Gujarat riots whereas the fact is that he had applied for resignation much before the riots took place.

Dr.Jean Dreze – Jean Drèze, born in Belgium in 1959, has lived in India since 1979 and became an Indian citizen in 2002….( there is more to him than meets the eye). He along with Aruna Roy and Harsh Mander form a mutal admiration society.

Shri Naresh Saxena – Famously known to be the person who introduced Aruna Roy and later Harsh Mander to Sonia Gandhi and instrumental in gettting them into the NAC.

The above team is more than enough to exert influence over other members of the NAC. Some of the other members maybe well meaning, but on an issue like the Prevention of Communal Violence Bill, the above 6 persons intentions to demean Hindu society are well known. Their influence on such a bill is bound to be extremely high.
Prof. MS Swaminathan

Dr.Ram Dayal Munda

Prof Narendra Jadhav

Prof. Pramod Tandon

Shri Madhav Gadgil

Dr.A.K.Shiv Kumar

Shri Deep Joshi

Ms.Anu Aga

Ms.Mirai Chatterjee- SEWA

1. A fraudulent draft Communal Violence Bill

By Shivaji Sarkar

IT is a critically flawed move to usurp the powers of the state governments, devastate the federal structure of the country and create schism among different communities. The aim apparently is to create a unitary structure where the Central Government could function like a bully and interfere in the jurisdiction of the states, barred by the Constitution.

The draft bill called Prevention of Communal and Targeted Violence (Access to Justice and Reparations) Bill is flawed also for the reason, its basic premise is against the secular spirit of the Constitution stated in the preamble.

No wonder. The bill is a creation of an extra-constitutional body – National Advisory Council (NAC) that is expected to function like a super-cabinet, surpassing the elected wisdom of the Prime Minister and the Council of Ministers. Technically NAC is created by the Prime Minister as a body to advise the government. The members are handpicked technically by the Prime Minister but in reality by the NAC chairperson.

Thus the NAC is not a representative body. It also leads to the question whether an elected government or its Prime Minister should have powers to create structures that are not enshrined in the Constitution.

The Prime Minister should have powers to function independently. But should he himself subjugate to the authority of his own creation? Who authorises him to do it? Why should he create a structure that is virtually neither responsible to him nor answerable to Parliament?

It is no wonder the NAC functions with populist views or indulges in vote bank politics to further the political objectives of some political party.

The NAC drafted the Food Security Bill not with the objective of providing food to the needy. Its primary objective was to create a political climate that would help the ruling party garner votes of the deprived classes. It has created enough rift between the officials of the Prime Minister’s Office (PMO), who found the “advice” beyond the capacity of the government to implement it. Any responsible body would have first evaluated the government’s physical and financial strength before jumping in to draft a bill.

The food security bill thus remains in the domain of discussion and may possibly not be given the final shape. Keeping it alive and finally blaming the bureaucrats would pay more dividends at the time of next elections than enacting a law that people are bound to forget even a year later. The NAC would serve the purpose of functioning like a permanent campaigning mechanism for the ruling party.

The proposed bill to prevent communal violence is yet another case of over-reach. It intends to arm the Centre with runaway powers to intervene in state affairs, creation of overlapping authorities and selective definition of victims. The bill, runs the risk of being struck down by the courts for falling afoul of federal principles set out in the Constitution’s seventh schedule that distributes legislative powers between the Centre and the states.

The bill defines that the victim in a communal violence would invariably be from a “group”. The definition of sufferers of communal violence as a “group” comprising only religious, linguistic or religious minorities or scheduled castes and tribes appears highly discriminatory as it can mean that even if a large number of majority community members bear the brunt of communal violence, they will not be victims of “targeted violence”.

If the bill is to meet the objectives of speedy justice and prevention of communal crimes, its framers need to recognise India’s political system is not unitary and states and political parties are bound to challenge the definition of a “group” and other provisions. Even if the bill gets through Parliament, it cannot escape constitutional and judicial scrutiny.

The Constitution does not allow interference on the issue of law and order of any state. Its role is limited to tender advice under Article 356. If the draft bill is enacted as law, it would provide sweeping powers to the Centre to intervene in the affairs of any state. This would be the technical provision but in reality states not ruled by the party at the Centre are to be targeted.

Is the bill targeting states like Gujarat? Is it finding in the rise of Narendra Modi, an efficient administrator with clean credentials, a threat to the pseudo-secularists? It is apparently so. Since Modi is emerging as a youth icon and no electoral politics can demolish him, a “secularist” bill with devastating intentions are sought to be drafted. The bill possibly for that reason does not include the majority community in the definition of a “group”.

Once the bill becomes law not only Modi but any leader of the majority community could be accused of “promoting ill will” against a minority community and he could be put behind bars. The provisions of the bill would provide enough ammunition to tar the image of a forceful leaders belonging to the majority community from any political party.

In fact, the Congress MP from Delhi, Sandeep Dikshit, son of Chief Minister Shiela Dikshit, could be arrested for his recent remarks that the St Stephen’s College promotes communal divide.

The draft bill is structured on the premise that the majority community could never be the victim of communal violence. It believes they would only be the perpetrators.

Those who have drafted the bill have forgotten the recurrence of communal violence by the minority community in 1960s in UP and Bihar. The states like Gujarat suffered recurrent minority violence till late 1980s. The Godhra burning of Ramsewaks in 2002 is too recent to be forgotten.

The bill has also no provision if two minority communities indulge in violence against each other. In fact, as per the provision of the bill even then any person from the majority community could be accused of inciting violence. He could have no defence under the draft bill. The accused would suo moto be considered “guilty” till he can prove his innocence. The bill virtually overturns the simple judicial norm of considering the accused not guilty till he is convicted.

So if there is a Shia-Sunni riot in Lucknow, the bill would not be applicable. It would also not be applicable if a Muslim group initiates violence against Christians, as witnessed recently in Kerala. No wonder it would give freedom to perpetrate crimes against Pandits and evict them from Kashmir for all times to come.

Nothing would also happen to the illegal Bangaladeshi infiltrators, who have captured almost a 20-km tract in West Bengal along the Bangladesh border and forcibly evicting the people of the majority community either through violent means or under threat of violence.

The draft bill also redefines crimes to suit its anti-majority mindset. According to the draft, the members of minority communities could not be accused for violence against the majority community.

Indeed it is “secular” exercise that could be done only in free (so far) country like India. The draft smacks of drawing inspiration from a theological state like Pakistan, where nobody except those following the state religion has the basic civic or human rights. Has the Wahabis or elements like that have penetrated the policy-formulation bodies of the Indian state?

The country needs to draw lesson from the recent developments in Nepal. Similar policy formulators many supported by the CPI-M and other Left parties from India changed the secular Hindu Constitution of Nepal and replaced the last Hindu monarchy. They even did not ponder the security threat it has created for India and the haven created for Pakistan-sponsored terrorists in the neighbourhood.

The Prime Minister is said to have wide international exposure. He is also stated to be a person of understanding. But it is difficult to understand why he has accepted the bill even to be discussed. The bill should have been dumped at the very first glance.

Even a discussion on the bill vitiates the atmosphere of bonhomie and tolerance that this country is known for. Co-existence of different communities and linguistic groups has been an age-old phenomenon.

The drafting a bill with such myopic and blatantly sectarian views would only create a divide that is not there in this country.

The bill needs to be immediately withdrawn and dumped. If the government tries to keep it in circulation it would only affect the social harmony.

But despite that if it is kept alive, it should be viewed as a move to communalise the political scenario in the country with a view to garnering votes of only one powerful minority community. The bill is not in the interest of any other minority groups either.

The draft Prevention of Communal and Targeted Violence (Access to Justice and Reparations) Bill should be seen as a precursor to create another partition of the country and needs to be opposed by all right thinking people from all communities across the country.
Source : Organiser

2.
Kill the anti-Hindu Bill – NAC’S draft is rabidly communal
By Shyam Khosla

THE obnoxious Prevention of Communal Targeted Violence (Access to Justice and Reparation) Bill 2011 drafted by the extra-constitutional “National Advisory Council” Chaired by Sonia Gandhi is based on the horrendous presumption that communal trouble is created only by the majority community and never by the minority community. Can a drafting committee be so biased and contemptuous of rationality and facts of life? How can a Bill to deal with a hugely sensitive issue like communal riots discriminate on religious and caste considerations? Senior BJP leader Arun Jaitley, famous for his legal and political acumen, has torn the Bill to shreds by his incisive analysis of the Bill’s several vicious provisions and questioned the very premise of the draft that implies that only majority community is responsible for all communal riots. The proposed law, he points out, will incentivise some communities to commit heinous offences encouraged by the fact that they would never be charged under the law and will encourage terrorist groups to incite communal riots knowing fully well that they too wouldn’t be covered under this pernicious piece of legislation. Church supported terrorist outfits operating in north-eastern states will be amongst the greatest beneficiaries as they too are outside the purview of the proposed law. They can indulge in crimes against the majority community with impunity. The Bill, if it is enacted as law by the Parliament, would keep jehadies who conspired and indulged in the Godhra carnage outside its purview. The NAC Bill would neither cover Shia-Sunni riots nor the heinous crime of chopping off the hand of a Christian professor by a Muslim radical group in Kerala as both the victim and the offender belong to the minority communities.

Hate propaganda against minorities is punishable under this stringent law. The law is likely to be abused in cases in which one were to make legitimate criticism of certain practices like discrimination against Muslim women under the Muslim Personal Law. However members and groups belonging to minority communities would not be liable to be booked under the law for spreading hatred against Hindus and their religious faiths and icons. Foreign funded Christian missionaries who indulge in fraudulent conversion of scheduled castes, scheduled tribes and other deprived sections of the Hindu society though a systematic hate campaign against Hindu beliefs and practices can gleefully continue to do so as they too would not be covered by the law on communal violence. Minority community groups would be free to spread hatred against Hindus by calling them kafirs and heathens without any fear of being hauled up under the law.

Yet another fundamental infirmity form which the draft suffers is that it equates communal conflicts with terrorism. Communal flare ups may be triggered by minor incidents and rumours spread by mischief mongers. Instead of curbing communal divisions and identity politics, the Bill is bound to widen the gulf between communities and would lead to communal tensions. That is perhaps the hidden agenda of the drafters of the Bill most of whom are guilty of promoting vote bank politics. Congress party’s untenable defence of the draft is that there is no point in discussing each and every provision at this stage and that these objections could be taken up when the Bill goes to the Parliamentary Standing Committees. Why publicise such an atrocious piece of legislation full of infirmities, if the purpose is not to illicit public opinion on its concepts and premises. Or is it meant to send a strong message to communal-minded Muslims and Christians that UPA II is out to appease them even at the cost of hurting national interests? The other argument that is equally bogus is that the draft is based on the experience that most riots are initiated by the majority community and it is the minorities that are always at the receiving end.

One of the provisions in the draft is that it would be enforced by a seven-member national authority of which at least four members, including the chairman and the vice chairman, must be from a minority community, It has raised the hackles of all right thinking citizens who believe in the principle that law must have a level-playing field. It is a dangerous and mischievous move. The authors are so biased and contemptuous of Hindus that they presume that an enforcement authority with a Hindu majority would not ensure fair play. The Bill is so irrational and biased that even the pro-Congress English language daily Hindustan Times has editorially condemned the NAC draft saying, “Its biggest flaw is that it makes provisions for punishment only for violence against minorities. Surely, if communal violence were visited on members of the majority community, the law can’t ignore this fact. This could mean that subversive elements in the minority community could indulge in communal violence without any fear of the law”. It goes on to point out that the most disturbing aspect of this Bill is the underlying presumption that it is only the majority community which is responsible for communal violence. No law should have different yardsticks for wrong doers on the basis of religion, ethnicity, language or gender. Further it negates the federal structure of the Union as it infringes on the powers of the State governments that are bound to resist Centre’s attempt to interfere in matters pertaining to law and order that is the domain of the states.

Critics have rightly raised serious objections to the very source of the draft – the National Advisory Council comprising of NGO types unelected and unelectable so-called representatives of the civil society. All of them have been hand-picked by Sonia Gandhi who enjoys enormous power without accountability. NAC is an extra constitutional authority that has been mandated to provide policy and legislative inputs to the Government. It is accountable to none but Sonia Gandhi. Its functioning has never been subjected to any review by Parliament. Its policy announcements and legislative initiatives exert coercive pressure on the Government. The very concept on which NAC was constituted is undemocratic and totally unacceptable in a parliamentary democracy.

3. An Endeavour to Imbalance Inter-Community Relationship

- Arun Jaitley in Rediff.com

A draft of a proposed legislation titled ‘Prevention of Communal and Targeted Violence (Access to Justice and Reparations) Bill, 2011′ has been put in the public domain. The draft bill ostensibly appears to be a part of an endeavour to prevent and punish communal violence in the country.

Though that may be the ostensible object of the proposed law its real object is to the contrary. It is a bill which if it is ever enacted as a law will intrude into the domain of the state, damage a federal polity of India and create an imbalance in the inter-community relationship of India.

What does the bill in effect state

The most vital definition of the bill is of the expression ‘group’. A ‘group’ means a religious or linguistic minority and in a given state may include the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. The bill creates a whole set of new offences in Chapter II. Clause 6 clarifies that the offences under this bill are in addition to the offences under the SC & ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989. Can a person be punished twice for the same offence?

Clause 7 prescribes that a person is said to commit sexual assault if he or she commits any of the sexual act against a person belonging to a ‘group’ by virtue of that person’s membership of a group. Clause 8 prescribes that ‘hate propaganda’ is an offence when a person by words oral or written or a visible representation causes hate against a ‘group’ or a person belonging to a ‘group’.

Clause 9 creates an offence for communal and targeted violence. Any person who singly or jointly or acting under the influence of an association engages in unlawful activity directed against a ‘group’ is guilty of organised communal and targeted violence.

Clause 10 provides for punishment of a person who expends or supplies money in the furtherance or support of an offence against a ‘group’. The offence of torture is made out under clause 12 where a public servant inflicts pain or a suffering, mental or physical, on a person belonging to a ‘group’.

Clause 13 punishes a public servant for dereliction of duty in relation to offences mentioned in this bill. Clause 14 punishes public servants who control the armed forces or security forces and fails to exercise control over people in his command in order to discharge their duty effectively.

Clause 15 expands the principle of vicarious liability. An offence is deemed to be committed by a senior person or office bearer of an association and he fails to exercise control over subordinates under his control or supervision. He is vicariously liable for an offence which is committed by some other person. Clause 16 renders orders of superiors as no defence for an alleged offence committed under this section.

Any communal trouble during which offences are committed is a law and order problem. Dealing with the law and order is squarely within the domain of the state governments. In the division of powers between the Centre and the states, the central government has no direct authority to deal with the law and order issues; nor is it directly empowered to deal with them nor it can legislate on the subject. The central government’s jurisdiction restricts itself to issue advisories, directions and eventually forming an opinion under Article 356 that the governance of the state can be carried on in accordance with the Constitution or not.

If the proposed bill becomes a law, then effectively it is the central government which would have usurped the jurisdiction of the states and legislated on a subject squarely within the domain of the states.

India has been gradually moving towards a more amicable inter-community relationship. Even when minor communal or caste disturbances occur, there is a national mood of revulsion against them. The governments, media, the courts among other institutions rise to perform their duty. The perpetrators of communal trouble should certainly be punished.

This draft bill however proceeds on a presumption that communal trouble is created only by members of the majority community and never by a member of the minority community. Thus, offences committed by members of the majority community against members of the minority community are punishable. Identical offences committed by minority groups against the majority are not deemed to be offences at all.

Thus a sexual assault is punishable under this bill and only if committed against a person belonging to a minority ‘group’. A member of a majority community in a state does not fall within the purview of a ‘group’. A ‘hate propaganda’ is an offence against minority community and not otherwise. Organised and targeted violence, hate propaganda, financial help to such persons who commit an offence, torture or dereliction of duty by public servants are all offences only if committed against a member of the minority community and not otherwise.

No member of the majority community can ever be a victim. This draft law thus proceeds on an assumption which re-defines the offences in a highly discriminatory manner. No member of the minority community are to be punished under this act for having committed the offence against the majority community.

It is only a member of the majority community who is prone to commit such offences and therefore the legislative intent of this law is that since only majority community members commit these offences, culpability and punishment should only be confined to them.

If implemented in a manner as provided by this bill, it opens up a huge scope for abuse. It can incentivise members of some communities to commit such offences encouraged by the fact that they would never be charged under the act.

Terrorist groups may no longer indulge in terrorist violence. They will be incentivised to create communal riots due to a statutory assumption that members of a jihadi group will not be punished under this law. The law makes only members of the majority community culpable. Why should the law discriminate on the basis of a religion or caste?

An offence is an offence irrespective of origin of the offender. Here is a proposed law being legislated in the 21st century where caste and religion of an offender wipe out the culpability under this law.

Who will ensure implementation of this act

The bill provides for a seven-member national authority for communal harmony, justice and reparations. Of these seven members at least four of them including the chairman and vice-chairman shall only belong to a ‘group’ (the minority community). A similar body is intended to be created in the states. Membership of this body thus shall be on religious and caste grounds. The offenders under this law are only the members of the majority community.

The enforcement of the act will be done by a body where statutorily the members of the majority community will be in a minority. The governments will have to make available police and other investigative agencies to this authority. This authority shall have a power to conduct investigations and enter buildings, conduct raids and searches to make inquiries into complaints and to initiate steps, record proceedings for prosecution and make its recommendations to the governments.

It shall have powers to deal with the armed forces. It has a power to send advisories to the central and state governments. Members of this authority shall be appointed in the case of central government by a collegium which shall comprise of prime minister, the home minister, and the leader of the opposition in the house of people and a leader of each recognised political party. A similar provision is created in relation to the states. Thus, it is the opposition at the Centre and the states which will have a majority say in the composition of the authority.

What are the procedures to be followed

The procedures to be followed for investigations under this act are extraordinary. No statement shall be recorded under section 161 of the CrPC. Victim statements shall be only under section 164 (before courts). The government will have a power to intercept and block messages and telecommunications under this law. Under clause 74 of the bill if an offence of hate propaganda is alleged against a person, a presumption of guilt shall exist unless the offender proves to the contrary. An allegation thus is equivalent to proof. Public servants under this bill under clause 67 are liable to be proceeded against without any sanction from the state.

The special public prosecutor to conduct proceedings under this act shall not act in aid of truth but ‘in the interest of the victim’. The name and identity of the victim complainant will not be disclosed. Progress of the case will be reported by the police to the victim complainant. The occurrence of organised communal and targeted violence under this act shall amount to an internal disturbance in a state within the meaning of Article 355 entitling the central government to impose President’s Rule.

The drafting of this bill appears to be a handiwork of those social entrepreneurs who have learnt from the Gujarat experience of how to fix senior leaders even when they are not liable for an offence.

Offences which are defined under the bill have been deliberately left vague. Communal and targeted violence means violence which destroys the ‘secular fabric of the nation’. There can be legitimate political differences as to what constitutes secularism. The phrase secularism can be construed differently by different persons. Which definition is the judge supposed to follow? Similarly, the creation of a hostile ‘environment’ may leave enough scope for a subjective decision as to what constitutes ‘a hostile environment’.

The inevitable consequences of such a law would be that in the event of any communal trouble the majority community would be assumed to be guilty. There would be a presumption of guilt unless otherwise proved. Only a member of the majority shall be held culpable under this law.

A member of the minority shall never commit an offence of hate propaganda or a communal violence. There is a virtual statutory declaration of innocence under this law for him.

The statutory authority prescribed at the central and state level would intrinsically suffer from an institutional bias because of its membership structure based on caste and community.

I have no doubt that once this law is implemented with the intention with which it is being drafted, it will create disharmony in the inter-community relations in India. It is a law fraught with dangerous consequences. It is bound to be misused. Perhaps, that appears to be the real purpose behind its drafting. It will encourage minority communalism. The law defies the basic principles of equality and fairness.

Social entrepreneurs in the National Advisory Council can be expected to draft such a dangerous and discriminatory law. One wonders how the political head of that body cleared this draft. When some persons carried on a campaign against the Terrorist and Disruptive Activities (Prevention) Act — an anti-terrorist law, the members of the UPA argued that even terrorists should be tried under the normal laws. A far more draconian law is now being proposed.

The states will be watching hopelessly when the Centre goes ahead with this misadventure. Their power is being usurped. The search for communal harmony is through fairness — not through reverse discrimination.

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RSS ABPS Resolutions on Corruption and China

March 16, 2011

Resolution 1

Need for a decisive blow against corruption

The Akhil Bharatiya Pratinidhi Sabha expresses grave concern over the endless chain of incidents of widespread corruption surfacing in the country. It is all the more shocking that the people occupying the upper echelons in the Government, including the Prime Minister are engaged in protecting their guilty colleagues till the end by describing them as innocent in spite of incontrovertible evidences pouring out against them.
The ABPS is deeply pained at the way the cases of corruption coming to light, day in and day out are tarnishing the image and reputation of the nation. The magnitude of corruption is such that not only the common man, but even the experts get bewildered. The gross misdeeds in organizing the Commonwealth games have gravely damaged the prestige of the country. People at the helm of power are either turning a blind eye or taking steps against the guilty as an eye wash under the pressure of the judiciary and media. The country wants to know as to what was the compulsion and which invisible hand was behind the misdemeanor of the top rung of power in a most sensitive matter like the appointment of the Central Vigilance Commissioner.
Unfortunately, the influence of politics is growing in almost every walk of life and the instances of corruption indulged in by the people in seats of power in the post independence era are constantly on the rise. After the Independence, the country has witnessed public anger against corruption resulting in powerful mass movements. The J. P. movement of 1974-75 and imposition of emergency and the mass movement triggered by the Bofors scandal in 1987-1989 culminated in the change of power at the center. But, the change does not seem to have brought about any decline in corruption. On the contrary the form and dimensions of corruption seem to have become more complex and extensive in the wake of economic liberalization. Whether it is the share scandal of 1992 or the recent 2G spectrum scandal, mind boggling figures of money are found to be involved. What needs special mention is that the people involved in these ever increasing acts of corruption are the ones who are highly educated and belong to the affluent class of the society. All these facts clearly indicate that there is need for further intensification and expansion of the process of man-making.
In this regard the ABPS believes that there is a dire need to organise every rung of social order on the firm foundation of value-based and morally strong conduct of life rooted in the eternal principles of Dharma. This is possible only by reorienting education-system to reflect the national ethos and serve as an effective instrument of character-building and imparting noble samskars. At the same time it is imperative for the people in high positions that they present exemplary models of conduct in their private and public life.

Apart from these reforms of far-reaching consequences, reform in the system of governance & administration and mobilising effective public opinion in favour of that, is equally important. Transparency in governance, administration through minimum and simplified regulations, judicial system based on easy access and timely dispensation of justice, elimination of black money, electoral system capable of effectively curbing the criminalisation of politics and checking the growing influence of money power are a few reforms urgently needed. It is also imperative to ensure proper security for the whistle blowers who courageously expose corruption in the present system at different levels and to have stringent penal provisions against the corrupt. Indeed the poisonous creeper of corruption is responsible for all the contemporary social ills like inflation, unemployment and black money which has also been affecting the country’s development and the internal and external security. In connection with the problem of black money, the government should acquire black money stashed in the country and outside, declare it as the nation’s asset and deploy it for developmental purposes.

The ABPS appreciates the efforts of such courageous individuals, organizations , constitutional institutions, alert media and vigilant Judiciary for their efforts against corruption in the present challenging scenario and calls upon the countrymen to extend their active support for such noble endeavours with utmost personal integrity and also nourish our traditional social institutions actively involved in character-building of our citizens.

Resolution 2

Defeat Chinese Designs against our National Interests and Security

The Akhil Bharatiya Pratinidhi Sabha expresses serious concern over the growing multi-dimensional threat from China and the lackluster response of the Government of Bharat to its aggressive and intimidator tactics. Casual attitude and perpetual denial of our Government in describing gross border violations by the Chinese People’s Liberation Army as a case of ‘lack of common perception on the LAC’, attempts to underplay the severe strategic dissonance between the two countries and failure to expose the expansionist and imperialist manouvers of China can prove fatal to our national interests.

The ABPS cautions that the growing civilian and defence ties between China and Pakistan are a matter of grave concern to our national security. Presence of the 10,000-strong Chinese Army in Skardu ( PoK) in the guise of construction works and repairs to Karakoram highway is a serious issue as it allows China to encircle Kashmir . Other issues of concern that best exemplify Chinese’ assertiveness include its offer to export one – Gigawatt (GW) nuclear plant and transfer of ballistic missile technology to Pakistan thus precipitating potential nuclear conflict in the region.

The malafide intentions of China are conspicuous in a number of recent developments. It has falsely charged Bharat of occupying 90,000 sq. km of its territory (including Arunachal Pradesh and Sikkim); It is excluding the state of J&K from Bharat in its maps; It is also excluding 1600 KM-long border in J&K from the LAC on the Tibet-Bharat border; It has initiated issuing paper visas for Bharatiya citizens from J&K besides citizens from Arunachal Pradesh. The Chinese troops entered Gombir area in Demchok region last year and threatened the civilian workers to stop construction work. In November 2009, a road project under Centrally-sponsored National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (NREGS) in Ladakh, was stopped after objections were raised by the Chinese Army. Infact, it is China which has encroached upon our territory inside the LOC in that region and constructed a 54 km long road for military purposes.

The ABPS sees potential danger from the Chinese machinations in our North East. Its continued claims over Arunachal Pradesh shouldn’t be taken lightly as it has set its eyes not only on that state but on the entire North East. Recent expose’ in a leading Bharatiya weekly about the extent of the involvement of China in arming, encouraging and funding insurgent groups like the NSCN should awaken us to this danger. Besides NSCN insurgents other insurgent groups in the North East like the NDFB, ULFA etc also get patronage from China. It is also a matter of serious concern that the ISI too is operating in cahoots with China in this region. The A.B.P.S. expresses concern over the growing number of cases of Chinese spies being arrested in different parts of the country.

It is well-known that the weapons from the Chinese government weapon manufacturers find their way to the Maoists and other terrorist groups in Bharat through illegal weapon ports like Cox Bazar in Bangladesh. Fake currency also is being pumped into Bharat from China. The ABPS wants to draw the attention of the Government and people to the occasional publications in the officially-controlled Chinese media about dismembering Bharat into 20-30 pieces.

Penetration of Chinese goods into Bharatiya market is affecting our manufacturing industry adversely besides posing a serious challenge to our security, health, environment and strategic concerns. The ABPS wants the Government to tackle this issue of China’s penetration into our system through trade and commerce with utmost seriousness. All citizens should refrain from using Chinese products as an expression of patriotism.

The ABPS wants to draw the attention of our government and countrymen to the threat from China in the form of diversion of river waters in the South Central Tibetan region. In the process it would be robbing lower riparian states like Bharat, Nepal, Bhutan, Bangladesh, Myanmar and Thailand of their right to the waters from rivers like Brahmaputra and Sindhu which originate from Kailash – Manasarovar in Tibet. Joint mechanism established in 2007 between Bharat and China to oversee water related issues remain dysfunctional mainly due to the utmost secrecy maintained by China in its water management plans. Two of our states i.e. Himachal Pradesh and Arunachal Pradesh were hit by flash floods and it was suspected at that time that these floods were due to some form of interference in the river flow by the Chinese. Our engineers were not allowed to inspect the upper streams of the river by the Chinese government. The ABPS warns the government that unless the issue is addressed immediately the situation may lead to serious crises between the two countries.

The ABPS urges our Government to take note of the expanding military and diplomatic might of China not only in the immediate neighbourhood but also in the strategically important regions like Africa and the West Asia. China’s 3.1 million strong Army is being rapidly modernized with newer weapons and technology. It has built all-weather roads and extended railway network along Tibet, Nepal and Bharat border. China today is a formidable player in the Indian Ocean region. It is establishing contact with all kinds of renegade dictators in the world including the North Korean and Sudanese dictators. Its strategic experts are propounding such disdainfully dangerous theories like Preventive Use of Nuclear Weapons suggesting that China should reserve the right of first attack against any nuclear power with nuclear weapons as a preventive measure.

In such a challenging scenario the ABPS calls upon the government to:
1. Reiterate the Parliament’s unanimous resolution of 1962 to get back the territory acquired by China to the last inch.
2. Take effective measures for rapid modernization and upgradation of our military infrastructure. Special focus should be on building infrastructure in the border areas. Towards that, constitution of a Border Region Development Agency should be considered which would help prevent the migration of the people from the border villages.
3. Use aggressive diplomacy to expose the Chinese’ designs globally. Use all fora including ASEAN, UN etc for mobilizing global opinion.
4. Disallow Chinese manufacturing industry free run in our markets. Prohibit Chinese products like toys, mobiles, electronic and electrical goods etc. Illegal trade being carried out through the border passes must be curbed with iron hand.
5. Follow strict Visa norms and maintain strict vigil on the Chinese nationals working in Bharat.
6. Restrict the entry of Chinese companies in strategic sectors and sensitive locations.
7. Mobilize the lower riparian states like Myanmar, Bangladesh etc to tell China to stop their illegal diversion of river waters

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