Tag Archives: Golwalkar

Tribute to Dattopant Thengadi Ji – A stalwart thinker, organizer and visionary

Dr. Manmohan Vaidya
Sah Sarkaryavah, Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh

The time when the late Dattopant Thengadi Ji set the foundation stone of Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh, communism was at its pinnacle across the world. Starting a grassroots national labour movement rooted in the pure Bharatiya Darshan and building it brick by brick amidst odds was a lofty task then. It called for conviction, devotion, and persistence on his part. When I try to grasp the frame of mind he would’ve had then, I am reminded of this allegory:

The spring breeze was still a distant memory.
Mango flowers had yet to appear on the trees.
Just then, a tiny creature stepped out from his warm earthly dwelling.
Indifferent to the rouge winter winds shaking his little frame, he began his walk.
“Stay put,” his well-wishers tried convincing him, they warned him of the impending dangers.
He, however, didn’t heed a single piece of advice.
At long last, after an arduous march, he reached the Mango Tree.
Taking a brief glance at the tall tree trunk he proceeded onto a steep upward climb.
Perched on one of the tree branches, a parakeet was intently watching his moves.
Bending his neck, he finally asked, “oh earthly creature, what brings you here, in this cold weather?”
“Mango nectar,” pat came a reply.
Laughing hysterically, the parakeet thought to himself, “he sure is the king of fools.” “My bird’s-eye view has inspected each cranny. There isn’t a hint of Mango here, Silly,” he smirked.
Steadying his wobbly steps the little creature retorted “You might be seeing what you see, but when I get there the Mango will surely appear.”
The response of that creature is like that of a yogi. One who does not wallow in self-pity; who doesn’t fear unfavorable circumstances. Without a trace of even a band of color on the horizon, he believes the promise of the inevitable dawn. He doesn’t doubt that each step of his walk is consequential and will bear fruits. No matter how much the clever and the wise try to beat sense into him, he remains true to the music of the drummer deep within. His heart resounds the verse “absorb yourself in ‘Hari,’ find Hari in everything that absorbs you.”

It is for all to see, as of today Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh is the largest labour organisation in Bharat.

No matter how accomplished one is, an able organizer is open to his co-worker’s thoughts and suggestions and promptly accepts the appropriate ones in the interest of the organisation. Thengadi ji was such a gifted organiser. When the decision to take up some organisational activity among workers(trade unions) was made, the nomenclature contemplated was – “Bharatiya Shramik Sangh”. Yet the discussion that ensued among the karyakartas illuminated the fact that the group of the society that this organization will work with will find the word ‘Shramik’ too difficult to comprehend. People of some states might not be able to even pronounce it. Therefore in place of ‘Shramik,’ the colloquial ‘mazdoor’ should be used. This suggestion was duly accepted and the organization came to be known as ‘Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh.’

Working in an organization entails the journey from ‘me’ to ‘we’. This transition is not easy for any extraordinarily adept person. Usually, such a person is a shadow of his ego. This ego crops up from time to time. Sages,  the realised souls have illustrated the irony of the ego when they said, “it is that evil which spares the ignorant and throttles the knowledgeable.” However, safeguarding oneself from such self-criticism is necessary for those who work within, for or with an organization. Thengadi ji had mastered this art. Even in a casual dialogue, while expressing an opinion, offering an insight or a solution he used ‘we’ and not an ‘I’. Elevating one’s sense of self so thin so as to integrate all the people that one is associated with is requisite for an organizer and Thengadi ji was a prolific organizer in this sense.

Another noteworthy quality of Thengadi ji was that he was warm and friendly to all co-workers, their designation and qualification notwithstanding. Placing his hand on their shoulders, he would promenade with even an ordinary worker, making the worker indistinguishable from him. These gestures put the workers seeking his counsel at  great ease. Forgetting that they were speaking to a national leader or a renowned thinker of the international stature, they came to see him as their own family elder or a wise community member. While doing so, no artificial efforts were required for Thengadi ji, it used to be effortless and natural.

He was also very well-read person with an in-depth understanding. Oftentimes while in a conversation, he would refer to texts from many books and mention anecdotes of several political leaders. But one trait of his that shines bright in my memory is when a novice karyakarta like me would narrate an anecdote or say a joke that was originally told to us by him, he would listen to it sincerely. Such patience is extraordinary. Many senior karyakartas too are often tempted to dismiss a conversation by saying “I know that.” But Thengadi ji listened to each word intently, as if hearing it for the first time. Not only that, he would go a step further and mindfully reflect upon that remark and unmistakably add a new anecdote or joke thereon. Deep connection with  ground-level co-workers is indeed a sign of a great leader.

Despite the temptation, intention and efforts to broaden work undertaken, avoiding needless hurry is also the quality of an excellent organizer. Parampujaniya Shri Guruji would often say “Dheere-Dheere Jaldi Karo” (hasten slowly). One must not be in a haste. A friend of mine was a senior leader  in Shri Sharad Joshi’s ‘Shetkari Sanghatana-’ a farmers’ movement in Vidarbha region. Eventually, he got disillusioned with the movement and came in contact with my younger brother who was also an agriculturist at the time. In view of Kisan Sangh’s recent commencement, my brother deemed connecting this farmers’ leader to the organization appropriate. He introduced that man to me. Thengadi ji was overseeing the operations of the organization in those days, therefore I approached him with this proposition at Nagpur. Thengadi ji was familiar with this person. I was optimistic that the association of an established leader will aid the momentum of Kisan Sangh’s work and Thengadi ji will welcome him in the organization. However, no sooner had I finished drawing the backdrop and pinning my suggestion on top he declined it. I was baffled. Later Thengadi ji explained to me that he rejected this leader because Kisan Sangh was a small organization then. He was afraid the organization would not be able to absorb a leader of that man’s stature and he, in turn, would engulf the organization, diluting our efforts. He didn’t want that to happen. To which I said, “if Kisan Sangh doesn’t absorb him then BJP will assimilate him in their party and give him a ticket to contest the elections.” Unphased Thengdi ji calmly responded, “BJP might be in a hurry, we are not.” His lucid and confident response was enlightening and it was then that Shri Guru ji’s words, “hasten slowly” had a new-found meaning for me.

Besides a great organizer, Thengadi ji was also a philosopher. Depths of Bharatiya philosophy would subtly unravel in one’s dialogues with him. The domination of communist thought on the labour movement was such that their thought-process and terminology managed to percolate among almost all labour organisations of that era, becoming apparent in their slogans. At that time he replaced communism-oriented slogans with slogans that were pertinent reflections of Bharatiya Darshan. “Udyogon Ka Rashtriyakaran – Nationalisation of industries” was replaced with “Rashtra Ka Audyogikaran – Udyogon Ka Shramikikaran aur Shramikon ka Rashtriyakaran” means “Industrialisation of the nation – Nationalisation of labours – Labourisation of industries(worker-centric culture in industries)” Inconsiderate and unreasonable slogans that intensified the strife among workers and employers like, “Hamari Mange Puri Ho – Chahe Jo Majboori Ho (fulfil our demands, no matter whatever be the constraints)” were replaced with “Desh ke Liye Karenge Kaam – Kaam ke Lenge Poore Daam  (we will work for the nation and will also take the due compensation for the same)”
In the form of these minor changes, awakening the spirit of patriotism.

Besides Bhartiya Mazdoor Sangh and Kisan Sangh, Thengadi ji was instrumental as a key participant in setting a foundation for many other organizations. Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad, Swadeshi Jagran Manch, Prajna Pravah, Vigyan Bharati are a few among those. His essay on Bharatiya Kala Drishti (Indic perspective on performing arts) became the intellectual foundation of  Sanskar Bharati.    

Walking in the midst of a stalwart thinker, organizer and visionary like Thengadi ji, witnessing the seemingly mundane yet exceptional activities like the manner of his speaking, his style of conducting himself and being blessed with his guidance are moments of bliss and a great honor for me.  My humble tribute on the auspicious occasion of his birth centenary.

Gandhi Assassination – Nehru and the Power Equation

Every year, it is a practise of the Congress and the commie brigade to make some remarks on Hindu nationalism on the 30th Jan.

On Jan 30th, 1948, Mahatma Gandhi was assassinated. A few months before his death, Bharat had attained political Independence and a few hours before Independence, Bharat was partitioned. Partition was a result of the aggressive stand of the Muslim League, weak leadership of the Indian National Congress, the British strategy to leave Bharat in a tattered condition and above all, a submission to the political concept of the Darul Islam.

Direct ActionNehru Mountabatten

Arnold Toynbee writes ‘ What is Pakistan ? it was the first successful step in this 20th century to realize their ( Muslims) 1200 year old dream of complete subjugation of this country.

Those interested in reading the events leading to the partition are documented here. Tragic Story of Partition.

The country witnessed a holocaust. What followed was a never before seen cataclysm. The transfer of population that the Congress leaders wanted to avoid, took place. They were killed, robbed, looted in transit. As the biggest migration of population in recorded history was in progress, a most dangerous situation arose in the capital. Every 4th person in Delhi was a Hindu or Sikh refugee from Pakistan. This lead to a lot of anger against the Congress leadership. A number of organisations were involved in service activities for the refugees, giving them shelter, support and succour in their times of great tragedy. Guruji Golwalkar  of RSS gave a call to the RSS swayamsevaks not to leave Pakistan until the last Hindu is safely moved from the troubled areas. Thousands of swayamsevaks gave up their life in this cause. This is documented in the book, “ Jyoti Jala Nij Praan Ki“.

Assassination of Gandhi  : Nathuram Godse was one of the people who believed Mahatma Gandhi was squarely responsible for the partition of Bharat. On the fateful day,  on January 30, 1948 he approached Gandhi during the evening prayer at 5:17 pm. Godse bowed, and shot Gandhi at point blank range. Godse himself shouted “police” and surrendered himself. His defence was documented in a book, “May It Please your Honour”.

However, there has been no explanation of why Gandhiji was not rushed to the hospital and was instead taken to Birla House, where he was declared dead.

Congress maligns RSS : 

Inspite of no evidence against the RSS and inspite of Sardar Patel indicating that the RSS is not involved, Nehru went ahead to press for the ban on the RSS. This fact is evident from the correspondence between Patel and Nehru. Replying to the Prime Minister’s letter urging him to ascertain the RSS connection in the case, Patel sent a categorical reply on 27 February 1948, less than a month after Gandhiji’s assassination:

‘I have kept myself almost in daily touch with the progress of the investigations regarding Bapu’s assassination case. All the main accused have given long and detailed statements of their activities. It also clearly emerges from the statements that the RSS was not involved in it at all.’

When no plausible reason is found about why Nehru was so keen to ban the RSS, it can be concluded that Nehru saw a potential rival in Guruji Golwalkar. In fact, one day before Gandhiji’s murder, on 29 Jan 1948 Nehru was reported to have said that: “I will crush the RSS”.

Shri Guruji's grand reception at New Delhi Station - 21st Aug 1949

Shri Guruji’s grand reception at New Delhi Station – 21st Aug 1949

That Golwalkar was immensely popular is documented by BBC. In 1949, BBC radio reported: ‘Golwalkar is a shining star that has arisen on the Indian firmament. The only other Indian who can draw such huge crowds is Prime Minister Nehru.’ Golwalkar was the Sarsanghchalak of the RSS at that time. 

guruji - nehru

On February 4, 1948, the government banned the RSS. After a long struggle by the RSS swayamsevaks, the ban was lifted unconditionally.In a written statement to the Bombay Legislative Assembly on September 14, 1949 (Proceedings p2126) the Home Minister Morarji Desai admitted that the ban on RSS was no longer considered necessary; it was lifted unconditionally; and the RSS gave no undertaking – Lifting of ban was unconditional

Inspite of all the direct evidence, the Congress did not end at this, In 1966, Nehru’s daughter, Indira Gandhi appointed another commission under Justice JL Kapur, a retd judge of Supreme Court. It examined over 100 witnesses and submited a report in 1969. The Kapur Commission report said “

…RSS as such were not responsible for the murder of Mahatma Gandhi, meaning thereby that one could not name the organisation as such as being responsible for that most diabolical crime, the murder of the apostle of peace. It has not been proved that they (the accused) were members of the RSS..”

For More details on the the issue – Patel, Nehru and RSS

Veer Savarkar also maligned :  Swatantra Veer Savarkar life and his works were inspiration to many freedom fighters including Bhagat Singh. Such a person was also charged with the conspiring the murder of Gandhi. No evidence was found against him but the accusations against him by the Commie brigade abetted by the Congress continue. As recently as 2013, The Hindu carried an article accusing him once again. A rejoinder to the repeated accusation was published in Niti Central – Gandhi Assassination and Veer Savarkar

Few Unanswered Questions on Nehru :

Nehru was the Prime Minister candidate inspite of Patel being the overwhelming favourite. It is clear from the documentation during that period that Gandhi favoured Nehru primarily to ensure that the Congress doesn’t split during the trying times after partition. It seems apparent that Gandhi believed that Patel would work under Nehru but Nehru wouldn’t vice versa. Gandhi was disappointed by some of the decisions taken by Nehru and in fact had called for a public debate on policies. This naturally put Nehru on the back-foot. He never responded. 

A missing Netaji Subash Chandra Bose ( under mysterious circumstances ),  an assassinated Gandhi, an implicated Savarkar, and a reviled Golwalkar ensured that Nehru had a free run. In fact even in 1953, a potential contender like Syamaprasad Mukherjee died under mysterious circumstances in the jail of J&K. This was a state managed by Nehru directly.

It is apparent that the biggest beneficiary of the above sequence of events was Nehru. He remained the Prime Minister of the country for 17 years. It is also a known fact that Gandhiji was of the opinion of disbanding the Congress in the future. 

Yet, no investigation was taken in that direction as to why he chose to target such luminaries!  When a great freedom fighter like Veer Savarkar and Rishi like Golwalkar could be incarcerated, why no questions were raised against Nehru and Congress is something I have been intrigued with.

Few more questions,

  • When Gandhiji was shot point blank, why was he not moved to a hospital and moved to Birla House ?
  • Was there no intelligence inputs on the assassination ? When there were 4 earlier attempts to murder Gandhi, what were the additional measures taken by the Nehru government to provide security. Did any heads roll ?
  • Why was Nehru in a hurry to find an organization to link Godse with when Godse was insisting he was doing it in individual capacity ?
  • Prof. Rajendra Singh, 4th Sarsanghchalak of RSS in an interview to Outlook ( Jan 1998 ) said regarding Godse “Initially, he was a member of the Congress, later he joined the RSS and left it subsequently, saying that it was a slow organisation. Then he formed his own group.”  Godse left the RSS in 1934 and joined the HMS as per his own admission to the court.  He then formed his own group. Gandhi was assassinated in 1948. Prof.Rajendra Singh had asked, “If investigations were done on whether RSS was involved in the assassination, why were there no investigations whether Congress was involved in allowing the assassination to happen” ? ( since he was a member of both the organizations and had left them ).

Gandhiji’s assassination gave an opportunity to Nehru to use enormous amount of state power to crush the Hindu nationalists. At the same time, he shifted the public discourse away from core national issues raising the bogey of Hindu fascism. This lead to sidelining of all major issues of national relevance like education, language, cow slaughter, agriculture, models of development, administration, and many more core issues.  This was a classic example of the Marxist method of shifting public discourse.

The nation has to do a course correction. Bharateeyas must ask and seek what Nehru & Congress’s interests were in shifting the national discourse away from our core to the periphery.


1. Tragic Story of partition – HV Seshadri

2. May It Please Your Honour – Nathuram Godse

3. The Hindu – Lifting of ban on RSS was unconditional by S.Gurumurthy

4. Niti Central – Gandhi’s assassination and Veer Savarkar by Anurupa Cinar

5. Gandhi-Nehru Letters by Cambridge University Press

6. http://www.gandhiserve.org – Gandhi’s concept of Gram Swaraj

7. Disband the Congress by Gandhi – ‘The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi – Volume 90′

8. Prof.Rajendra Singh Interview – Outlook Magazine – Jan 19th, 1998

 –  By Ayush Nadimpalli

twitter : ayush4bharat