Tag Archives: RSS

KTR Goes the Congress Way – Maligns the RSS on Hyderabad Liberation Day

  • Ayush Nadimpalli

As the battle of TRS party with the BJP in Telangana gains heat, the IT Minister of Telangana, Sri K Taraka Rama Rao who is also the son of the current Chief Minister did exactly what the Congress did for decades – bring in the RSS and try to malign it.

The Background

The people of Telangana, Hyderabad -Karnataka & Hyderabad-Maharashtra made enormous sacrifices to liberate Hyderabad and merge with Union of Bharat on 17th September 1948. There has been a great demand from the people to celebrate this day officially. The chief minister of Telangana, Sri K Chandrasekhar Rao has been under criticism for the last eight years for failing to celebrate this day officially.

This video shows how he somersaulted on the celebrations before and after coming to power. In the first part, he says the government must celebrated Sept 17th and after coming to power says, ” Let the BJP celebrate it on their offices if they wish to”.

The BJP central leadership this time took up the celebration of this cause in the entire state of Telangana. As a last minute effort to save face, the CM announced a three day celebration. Surely the TRS is facing the heat.

So what does the CM’s son , KTR do ?

He plays the oft repeated Congress trick of maligning the RSS. In this he emulates many Congress leaders. Dr. Manmohan Singh & Manish Tiwari did the exact same in 2013 .

A rejoinder to that is here : Sardar Patel, Nehru and the RSS ;

KTR in a tweet on 17th September 2022, writes this

Well, he does not quote the source of this. This was part of the correspondence between Sardar Patel the then Home Min & Dy PM and MS Guru Golwalkar , the then Sarsanghchalak of the RSS. The entire correspondence between them is quoted in the book “Justice on Trial” .

In the first part of the same letter, Sardar Patel writes

Now why does KTR leave out the above ? Does it behove of an Information Minister to quote only half of what the most respected political figure of that era wrote ? Is it not injustice to the Sardar ? It is the same Sardar Patel who wrote to Nehru on 27th Feb 1948 – ” Bapu’s murder was not the result of an RSS conspiracy “.

It is important to quote what Sardar himself said to the Muslims during that period in many speeches.

Does KTR have the honesty to quote this ?

Not only this, those were the days, when the partition happened, Hindus were large scale sufferers who were being hounded in East and West Pakistan. Who was there to take care of them ? The RSS . Not only that, well meaning people wrote and spoke about the contribution of the RSS in that period.

Bharat Ratna , Dr Bhagwan Das wrote on October 1, 1948: 

“I know for sure that RSS volunteers have informed Jawahar Lal Nehru and Sardar Patel well in advance about the plan of Muslim League under which the League had planned for armed rebellion and annihilating the Ministers of the Government of India and the senior officers, unfurl the Pakistani flag atop Lal Quilla, and establish their government in India.

“Had these patriotic and sincere youths not informed Nehru and Patel in time, the entire country today would have become Pakistan; lakhs of Hindus would have been butchered and more than that would have been converted to Islam forcibly and India would have become slave once again. What does it indicate? Clearly, it suggests that our government must utilize the nationalist power of lakhs of RSS swayamsevaks instead of subordinating it”.

End Note :

The TRS has been hobnobbing with the party AIMIM whose pre-Independence form was the MIM. The party was lead by Qasim Rizvi, the notorious leader of the Razakars. The Razakars were a two lakh strong private militia responsible for the massacre of Hindus. Being forced to celebrate September 17th this year, the TRS is now forced to make statements to keep the MIM happy by maligning the RSS. In this they have common ground with not only the MIM, Congress leadership but also Imran Khan Niazi of Pakistan.

Right Word | How the eternal backroom boys of RSS played stellar role in nation building

By: Arun Anand

The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) has played a stellar role in nation building since its inception in 1925. Especially during the post-Independence era, the organisation has played a key role with millions of swayamsevaks working round the clock dedicatedly for the nation and not seeking anything in return.

As soon as Bharat got Independence, the first challenge was to bring back Hindus safely from Pakistan and rehabilitate them. It may be recalled that in run-up to Partition, areas falling under Sindh, West Pakistan, and East Bengal were put under the command of a Muslim-dominated army-police combine. The Hindus in these areas were on tenterhooks.

The second RSS Sarsanghchalak, MS Golwalkar, also known as Shri Guruji, took the initiative to reach out to these Hindus and set up the Punjab Relief Committee and the Hindu Sahayata Samiti (Hindu Support Committee) for refugees from West Pakistan. The centre of activity for both of these was initially Lahore. The Punjab state sanghchalak, Raibahadur Badridas, was the chairman and Dr Gokulchand Narang was the treasurer of these committees. Similarly, relief committees were set up for refugees coming from East Pakistan also. The RSS played a major role in rehabilitation of the hapless refugees when they were left by the ruling dispensation to fend for themselves in pathetically managed government relief camps.

In 1947-48, when Pakistan attacked Bharat for the first time by sending tribal militia and its regular army in Jammu and Kashmir, the RSS volunteers played an important role in aiding the Bharatiya forces to repel that attack. The RSS swayamsevaks prepared an airstrip within no time in Poonch that helped to land planes carrying Bharatiya soldiers.

In 1962 Sino-Indian war, the RSS volunteers played an important role and despite having strong ideological differences backed the war efforts of Nehru government.

Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, who was initially quite critical of the RSS, invited the organisation to participate in the Republic Day parade of 1963. A 3,000-strong contingent of RSS volunteers participated in the Republic Day parade that year.

In 1965, when Pakistan attacked India, the then Prime Minister Lal Bahadur Shastri invited the second sarsanghchalak of the RSS, MS Golwalkar, for an all-party consultative meeting, though the RSS was a non-political entity.

Golwalkar was travelling through Maharashtra and was stationed in Sangli for organisational work when he received this message. He immediately flew to New Delhi to attend the meeting.

Earlier, in the 1960s, a host of leaders visited and appreciated the Vivekananda Rock Memorial at Kanyakumari that was set up under the guidance of RSS pracharak and former sarkaryavah Eknath Ranade.

The then President VV Giri inaugurated the celebrations after the memorial was completed. The then Prime Minister Indira Gandhi visited it after a fortnight of its inauguration. She addressed a meeting of the memorial organising committee, whose secretary was Ranade. The latter also presented a report after the PM’s address.

Prime Minister Indira Gandhi commented during her visit: “It is a moving experience to come to Kanyakumari and see how the faith of thousands in Swami Vivekananda’s message has made possible this memorial. May it inspire all who visit it and give them the courage to live up to Swamiji’s great and timeless teachings.”

After Independence the swayamsevaks inspired by the RSS’ ideology have set up more than three dozen organisations. To name a few of them, Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram works in the field of tribal welfare, Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh works amongst trade unions and workers in both organised and unorganised sector,  Sewa Bharati works in urban slums, Vidya Bharati works in the field of education, Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad works with college students, Seema Jagaran Manch works in  border areas of the country, Bharatiya Shikshan mandal works with Gurukuls and on the pedagogy of education in our country, Sanskrit Bharati works for the promotion of Sanskrit, Sanskar Bharati works in the field of art and culture, Bharatiya Chitra Sadhana is active in the domain of film making, Laghu Udyog Bharati  helps the Micro, Small and Medium Enterprises, Swadeshi Jagaran Manch works for economically self-reliant Bharat and Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) works for organising Hindus globally and promoting service to the society through Dharma.

Thus, there is hardly a domain where RSS swayamsevaks do not work and their scale of work is mammoth. To give an example, Vidya Bharati alone runs more than 30,000 schools across the country catering to more than 3.5 million students. Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh (BMS) is the biggest labour organisation of the world. According to the BMS’ official website, “Of the 44 industries classified by the Ministry of Labour, Government of India for the purpose of membership verification, BMS has affiliated unions in all industries. BMS has membership of almost 1 crore in all States comprising more than 5000 affiliate unions.” The rise of BMS ensured that the anarchy created by the Left-dominated trade union in Bharatiya industrial space became thing of the past and the focus was brought back on increasing productivity that was to be mutually beneficial for both employers and employees.

In 1975, the RSS led from the front to oppose Emergency imposed by the then Prime Minister Indira Gandhi. Socialist and revolutionary leader Jayaprakash Narayan visited an RSS training camp in Patna on 3 November 1977, where he said in his speech: “Sangh (RSS) is a revolutionary organisation and right now there is no other organisation in the country which come even close to it… (it) alone has the capacity to transform society, end casteism and wipe the tears from the eyes of the poor. Its very name is ‘rashtriya’, that is national. I am not saying this to flatter you. I believe you have a historic role to play… I have great expectations from this revolutionary organisation which has taken up the challenge of creating a new India.”

In the 1980s, the RSS started a massive campaign to check religious conversions of Hindus after around 800 socially marginalised members of Hindu society got converted into Islam at Meenakshipuram in Tamil Nadu in 1981. In 1983-84, the RSS took up the cause of Ramjanmabhoomi and the movement successfully culminated in 2020.

During Covid-19, more than a million swayamsevaks were on the ground for rescue, relief and rehabilitation efforts. In any natural calamity or disaster that has struck any part of the country, the RSS swayamsevaks are the first one to reach.

At present the RSS volunteers are running around two lakh welfare projects across the country. The focus is to work for the service of the society, to transform Bharat as a nation and society.  Most significantly, the swayamsevaks do this selflessly. There is no urge in the organisation or individual volunteers to win accolades or claim glory for itself. The RSS Swayamsevaks take pride in being the unsung heroes.  They are the eternal backroom boys.

The writer, an author and columnist, has written two books on RSS. 

Courtesy: Firstpost

Was hoisting the national flag in private property restricted as per Flag Code before 2002

Was hoisting the national flag in private property restricted before 2002 ?

The answer is Yes. In 1995 Navin Jindal case first in Delhi HC and later in Supreme Court clearly shows it. Flag hoisting on private property and pinning/wearing it on the body was allowed after a judgment by SC on 23 January, 2004.

Here is a brief history of that case:

National Flag hoisting on private property was not allowed legally before 23 January 2004 as it was regulated by the government. A SDM level government officer had the authority to regulate flag hoisting on private property and even in public places. The issue came into prominence when Sri Navin Jindal hoisted the Tiranga on his Raigarh, Chattisgarh (then M.P.) based factory. He was served a notice by SDM and finally the Bilaspur District Magistrate refused him to give permission for hoisting Tiranga on his factory. Local court upheld the decision of Bilaspur DM. Jindal then filed appeal in Delhi HC in 1995.

The view of Union of India to this issue was that the Central Government is authorized to impose restrictions on the use of National Flag at any public place or building, and can regulate the same by the authority vested in it under Section 3 of the Emblem and Names (Prevention of Improper Use) Act, 1950. The Union of India also viewed that the restriction imposed by the Act and orders issued by the Government are constitutionally valid, being reasonable restrictions on the Freedom of Speech and Expression under Article 19(2) of the Constitution.

The Division Bench of the Delhi High Court on 22nd September, 1995 allowed the writ petition filed by Naveen Jindal holding that “Any restriction contained in the “Flag Code – India” relating to the flying of national flag by the citizens cannot be enforced except when contravention of those restriction come within the purview of any law in force.” A mandamus was issued to the Respondents (Union of India & others) restraining them from interfering with the right of the Petitioner to fly the national flag on his premises. Jindal pleaded that the Flag Code of India was only a set of executive instructions from the Government of India and therefore not law.

The High Court allowed the petition and held that the Flag Code of India was not a valid restriction on the right to freedom of expression under Article 19 of the Indian Constitution. The High Court observed that, according to Article 19(2), the only valid limitations on this right were those that were contained in statute. In cases concerning the regulation of the flying of the national flag, such limitations could be found in the Emblems and Names (Prevention of Improper Use) Act 1950 or the Prevention of Insults to National Honour Act 1971.
Central govt appealed in SC which upheld Delhi HC judgment on 23 January 2004.

  • Contributed by Sri Jagdish Upasane

RSS and its association with the Tricolour

Right Word | Comparison between RSS and PFI is absurd and unfair

By: Arun Anand

Some comparisons are absurd. The comparison between the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and the Popular Front of India (PFI) falls in this particular category. This comparison is mostly done intentionally to manipulate the narrative away from the real threats posed by the anti-national forces but sometimes the ill-informed people also fall in this trap. The margin of error has to be given to those who unintentionally fall prey to such propaganda.

The RSS, which was founded in 1925, is known as the world’s largest voluntary organisation that works in the socio-cultural sphere to build an egalitarian society based on the age-old tenet of ‘Vasudhev Kutumbakam’ (the whole world is one family). Its volunteers work for the welfare of the society and help in nation building. Their focus is to build bridges amongst different sections of the society and motivate them all to work for the welfare of the society at large. It fought in 1975 during the Emergency to protect the Indian democracy and is known to be on the forefront whenever the society needs a helping hand due to the onslaught of any major crisis or natural calamity. The biggest example in recent times was the COVID-19 pandemic where RSS volunteers led from the front to help the society.

On the other hand, Popular Front of India is a dubious organisation perpetuating an Islamist agenda. Various investigating agencies and police of several states have exposed their deeds.

The origin of PFI itself betrays its true colours. After the demolition of a disputed structure at Ayodhya in 1992, an organisation by the name of National Democratic Front (NDF) was created in Kerala. “In Public domain NDF portrayed itself as an organisation devoted to socio-economic reform work for Muslims, but its extremist and violent nature was exposed when some of its members were arrested for rioting and murdering eight Hindus on Marad beach in Kozhikode in 2003.” (Radicalisation in India, Abhinav Pandya, Pentagon Books, pp 62)

It is interesting to see that how a plethora of non-governmental organisations came together to help form the PFI that believes in political Islam. According to the official website of PFI, it has a presence in 23 states.

According to Pandya, “NDF’s activities were limited to Kerala. It was decided to create a nationwide organisation. In 2006, PFI was established by merging like-minded Karnataka Forum for Dignity and Manitha Neethi Pasarai (Tamil Nadu). Over the next three years, Goa Citizen’s Forum, Rajasthan’s Community for Social and Educational Society, West Bengal’s Nagrik Adhikar Suraksha Samiti, Manipur’s Lilong Social Forum and Andhra’s Association for Social Justice merged with PFI. However, it remained most active in Kerala. PFI’s other units are (1) All India Imam Council (Religious Scholars’ unit) and (2) Satya Sarini, an educational and charity organisation based in Malappuram, actively engaging in conversions.”

Another interesting aspect of PFI is its relationship with the banned outfit Student Islamic Movement of India (SIMI). According to Pandya, “A large number of PFI office bearers had strong links with SIMI, before it was banned in 2001.

PFI’s modus operandi

Soumya Awasthi, a Jawaharlal Nehru University-based scholar, came out with a research paper on PFI in 2020 where she discussed its modus operandi in detail. Awasthi says in this paper titled Popular Front of India: Understanding the Propaganda and Agenda, “Even though the organisation came into existence aiming for Muslim empowerment, the PFI’s modus-operandi has been to showcase the Muslim agenda as a side show. Instead they keep the issues of vulnerable societies (Women, labours, farmers, Dalits, Adivasi) at the forefront. This provides them with the cover of a charitable organisation working for the welfare of minorities and the weaker sections of the society. This is meant to fool the government — and the organisation has managed not to be banned yet.”

Awasthi further adds, “The PFI’s ultimate goal is to replace the democratic system of India with an Islamic State-styled government. The Popular Front of India (PFI)… calls India its enemy and asks for ‘total Muslim empowerment’…. The PFI runs projects like ‘School Chalo’ to encourage education for all up to the secondary level, as well as the ‘Sarva Siksha Gram’ and ‘Adopt a student’ campaigns. These campaigns and projects not only provide them legitimacy to function openly but also provide them cover over their actual missionary work. The PFI’s members believe that India is a democratic country. The doctrine is that slowly they (government of India) are reaching for our necks because of (political and social reasons). PFI members believe that if their rights are breached, then they will be left with no choice but to react — and their holy text provides for a jihad, which they will not be reluctant to utilise and justify their acts.”

“The writings of Syed Abu Ala Maududi, Allam Iqbal and Osama Bin Laden influence PFI members. They have maintained the image of a charitable organisation and worked for the ultimate goal establishing an Islamic state by converting and spreading fear through terror acts,” observed Awasthi.

According to Awasthi, “Cadres of the banned outfit SIMI are fast regrouping under the banner of the Popular Front of India (PFI). This outfit has expanded its tentacles to the north after carrying out the initial recruitment in South India. The spreading tentacles of the PFI and Social Democratic Party of India (SDPI), the political wing of the PFI, came to light only when its members became influenced by the taqreer (speeches) of Zakir Naik. Interestingly, just days after the IRF was banned, the Kerala-based Islamic fundamentalist organisation PFI organised massive rallies in different parts of the country in support of Zakir Naik. Intelligence sources say there is electronic evidence of increasing interaction between members of these two groups, especially since the IRF ban.”

To gauge the role of PFI in anti-national activities, one can go through the official statement issued by the Directorate of Enforcement (ED), on 1 June 2022 where it categorically said that it has provisionally attached 23 bank accounts of PFI having collective balance of Rs 59,12,051 and 10 bank accounts of PFI’s front organisation Rehab India Foundation (RIF) having collective balance of Rs 9,50,030 in the ongoing money laundering investigation against PFI and its related organisations.

ED investigation revealed that huge amounts of money including cash from questionable sources have been received by PFI and RFI. An amount of more than Rs 60 crore has been deposited in the accounts of PFI which includes cash deposits of more than Rs 30 crore since 2009. Similarly, around Rs 58 crore have been deposited in the accounts of RIF since 2010.

Further, investigation by ED revealed that PFI, in active collusion with other associated accused persons, has indulged in laundering of proceeds of crime in terms of Section 3 of Prevention of Money Laundering Act 2002.

Investigations by the ED also revealed that PFI was covertly mobilising funds through well-organised network in Gulf countries as part of criminal conspiracy and these proceeds of crime were secretly and clandestinely sent to India through underground and illegal channels and by way of foreign remittances into the bank accounts of sympathizers/office bearers / members and their relatives / associates in India and thereafter these funds were transferred to the bank accounts of PFI, RIF and other individuals or entities.

The ED statement said, “In this way, the proceeds of crime have been placed, layered & integrated and therefore projected as untainted money in the bank accounts of PFI as well as RIF. This has been done as a part of a larger criminal conspiracy of PFI and its related entities to raise funds within the country and abroad to carry out various unlawful activities which have resulted in the registration of numerous FIRs or complaints against them… and conviction of its members or office-bearers.”

What we have discussed about PFI here is just the tip of the iceberg. It is also under the scanner of National Investigation Agency (NIA) and the police departments of several states. There has been a persistent demand to ban PFI from several quarters which doesn’t sound unreasonable going by its past record.

In this context to compare a nationalist organisation like RSS with a dubious outfit like PFI is not only absurd but it is grossly unfair to the RSS which has served this nation selflessly for 97 years.

Courtesy: Firstpost