CM of Telangana treading a divisive path

The Telangana government has been going overboard to placate the Muslims in the state, much at the cost of other communities, which would, clearly, not only distort the political discourse but also sow seeds of discord. 

The driver of a vehicle must be cautious and careful. Even a small error is a potential danger to life.  By announcing Urdu as the second language of Telangana, Chief Minister K Chandrashekar Rao (KCR) has committed a blunder that is bound to influence generations to come. Not just this, some of the other major decisions taken by Telangana government in recent times can be termed bluntly as minority appeasement for purely political gains with scant regard to the overall well-being of the state.

On  November 9 KCR designated Urdu as second official language of Telangana. He announced that 900 Urdu teachers would be recruited soon by forming a special District Selection Committee (DSC). The eligibility criteria for these posts will be framed by the Urdu Academy and the Minority welfare department. The deadline for the recruitment is 70 days and to be executed on top priority basis.

KCR has also provided for induction of 66 Urdu-speaking officers into various key departments in the government.  The State Assembly, Council Chairman, Chief Secretary and the 17 other ministers will have one Urdu -speaking officer assisting them. Likewise, the assembly administration, State Council, Information and Public Relations Department, Office of the Director General of Police (DGP), the Hyderabad City Police commissionerate and all the newly set up 31 district Collector offices will have exclusive Urdu speaking officers to receive petitions from the public.

Islamic Centre
Imposition of Urdu as the second language in Telangana is KCR’s latest spectacle among the slew of audacious largesse he has granted to appease the Muslims in the state.
He had recently proposed to construct Hyderabad International Islamic Cultural Convention Centre of international standard in an area of 10 acres in Kokapet on the outskirts of Hyderabad. He has also decided to set up a separate industrial corridor for Muslims which is in direct contrast to the democratic principles of the country.

Telangana government has also increased the quota for Muslims in jobs and education from 4% to 12%. The Telangana Minorities Residential Educational Institutions Society (TMREIS) is planning to set up 120 schools at the cost of Rs.6723 Crores. 71 such residential schools (39 Boys and 32 Girls) are already functioning and remaining are likely to come up in later phases. 75% of the seats are reserved for the minorities in these schools. Urdu is a compulsory subject for Muslims while non-Muslim students can opt for Telugu.

The Chief Minister’s Overseas Scholarship Scheme for Minorities introduced in 2015-16 grants Rs.10 Lakhs per Student and one-way Airfare to those minorities travelling abroad for higher education in foreign universities. A Telangana Minorities Study Circle was also formed for 2015-16, which will focus on training minorities Candidates for competitive exams conducted by TSPSC.  It is also sponsoring 100 minority candidates who are preparing for All India Services Exams from the country’s top Institutes every year.

Officially, all the above initiatives come under Minority welfare schemes but are aimed at strengthening the Muslim vote bank for the ruling party. Official records say that there are already 1,561 Urdu-medium schools in the State with about 1.31 lakh students.

The current Urdu academy in Telangana is occupied in organising Haj programmes and religious seminars. The Urdu academy is not equipped to do any academic work .We already have a number of examples across the country where fanatics from Islamic seminaries are seen and heard sowing the seeds of separatism and refuse to abide by the law of the land. If a school going kid is fed such venom by fanatics, the result is bound to damage the social fabric of the state and country.

Till date there has been no proof of any contribution of any madrasa to science and technology. On the contrary, Madrasas have contributed immensely to the establishment of theological states across the Arab lands and in Asia too. If these are the antecedents of Islamic schools across the world, what kind of research would an Islamic centre in Hyderabad conduct? The historical evidence is simple and clear. It will be another institution supplying Islamic doctrine to schools and colleges. In the coming decade, voices of separatism would have grown with the sanction of the government and funded by the Telangana public! Chances of this scenario transpiring is high because there is none to verify the content and monitor the developments of such schools.

The language barrier will pose a big challenge to the government officers thus forcing them to agree to requests that are in Urdu. Leaders like Owaisi can easily hijack these schools to suit their own narrative and paint a favourable picture of the Nizam and Mughuls in the history books of such schools. Chief Minister Chandrashekar Rao himself has always been reluctant to accept the atrocities of Nizam and the Razakars during the accession of Hyderabad in 1948. These kinds of appeasing actions by Telangana government will only sow the seeds of Muslim separatism.

A separate Industrial corridor for Muslims may be on paper today but will soon be pushed as an agenda for the 2019 general elections. In October, Ambassador of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia Soud Mohammed Alsati expressed willingness to invest in Telangana. With such religion-based investment coming in, the ramifications for Telangana and the country as a whole are huge. KCR’s promise of an exclusive industrial corridor for Muslims will give rise to other demands. Since such a corridor would mostly accommodate students literate in Urdu,  Muslim investors could demand a “separate” welfare fund for Muslims and later insist on Islamic Banking too.

The Khilafat movement, supported by M.K. Gandhi, resulted in furthering the Muslims separatist agenda and resulted in the partition of India. Such slew of measures by a state government to appease the Muslims would result in rekindling separatist tendencies again. We can recall that MIM party head Assauddin Owaisi initially opposed the idea of a separate Telangana but agreed to support the cause only when his demand to include Kurnool and Ananthapur districts, both with a high percentage of Muslims, were included as part of the new state.

Corridor for Muslim
Measures aimed at pampering a community are bound to sow the seeds of discord in the society, creating deep chasms and spoil the social fabric. Instead of attempting to bring the madrasas into the mainstream with emphasis on science and modern computer-based education, the Telangana government is running in the opposite direction. Arabic style of dressing in Hyderabad, increase in burkha clad schools kids are manifestations of cultural assertiveness which further alienate Muslims from the mainstream. Similar appeasing measures, in the garb of secularism and Muslim identity, attempted by the erstwhile SP government in UP had almost alienated the Muslims of the state and hence this year the UP Government, led by Yogi Adityanath had to force the madrasas to celebrate Independence Day. Telangana could follow suit if remedial measures are not taken soon.

Recently, AIMIM leader Akbaruddin Owaisi proactively proposed that his party will form an alliance with TRS in the 2019 general elections. By the time nationalistic forces are strengthened in the state, the separatist elements could gain a strong foothold.

Any attempt by the central government to thwart their efforts will be showcased as being anti-Muslim. Decisions of Telangana government aimed at appeasing the Muslims could lead to serious damage to the society in the coming days if they are not effectively countered by every concerned citizen, party or organisation.

  • Surender Kunti
    (The writer is co-convenor of Vishwa Samvad Kendra, Telangana )

– Source: Organiser

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Bhārat’s Pride : Veer Nāri Kittur Rani Chennamma

Nāri Shakti” has always played a pivotal role in Bharatiya Itihas. There have been innumerable examples of women contributors since Vedic times, whether it is for Self protection, protecting the Rashtra (nation) or for upholding Dharma, all that speak of spiritual knowledge and wisdom as well as valour and courage. To recall those great spiritual as well as mighty valiant personalities, is to worship the female form of divinity as a symbol of “Shakti”.

लक्ष्मी अहल्या चन्नम्मा रुद्रमाम्बा सुविक्रमा |
निवेदिता शारदा च प्रणम्य मातृ देवताः ॥
(Lakshmi Ahalyaa Channammaa Rudramaambaa suvikramaa
Niveditaa Shaaradaa cha praNamya maatRu devataaH)

In “ekAtmata Stotra”, this “sloka” invokes the two brave women by the same name of “Chennamma”: one was the queen – Rani of Keladi (from Sagara, Karnataka) and the other being Rani of Kittur (Belagavi District of Katnataka). The Moghul tyrant Aurangazeb, after killing the elder son of Shivaji i.e, Sambhaji went in pursuit of his second son, Raja Ram. At this time of trouble, Chennamma, the Rani of Keladi by providing refuge (protection) to Raja Ram, indirectly protected the newly arisen kingdom of Shivaji and she with her power of army retaliated against the Mughals.

Chennamma, the Rani of Kittur, a province in Karnataka, picked up a fierce fight with the British forces in order to foil their desire to grab Kittur after the untimely death of her husband. The Britishers were forced to enter into a peace-treaty with Chennamma. Later the English captured Chennamma, by deception, and kept her as prisoner in the Bailhongal Fort.

Like the Rani of Jhansi, both these Ranis sacrificed their lives for the sake of Independence of India.

(Picture Courtesy: HinduHistory.com)

Kittur Rani Chennamma (23 October 1778 – 21 February 1829) led armed rebellion against the British forces in the year 1824, when not many rulers were familiar with the evil designs of the British through their British East India Company.

Chennamma was born in Kakati, a small village (in today’s Belagavi district of Karnataka) in the year 1778 that is almost 56 years earlier than Rani Lakshmi Bai of Jhansi. From a very young age she received training in horse riding, sword fighting and archery. She was well known for her brave acts across her town. She was married to Mallasarja Desai, ruler of Kittur at the age of 15. Her married life seemed to be a sad tale after her husband died in 1816. With this marriage she had only one son, but fate seemed to play a tragic game in her life. Her son breathed his last in 1824, leaving the lonely soul to fight against the British rule. After his death, his son Shivalingarudra Sarja who had no children adopted a boy, Shivalingappa who was his relative. Shivalingrudra died prematurely and Chennamma ruled as the regent (a person appointed to administer a state because the ruler is a minor, is absent or is incapacitated). After the death of her son, she adopted another child, Shivalingappa, and made him heir to the throne. However, the British East India Company did not accept this under the “Doctrine of Lapse”, a policy of annexation devised by the British East India Company.

Queen Chennamma during the British rule

The “Doctrine of Lapse” was an annexation policy imposed on native states by the British, devised by Dalhousie, who was the Governor General for the East India Company in India between 1848 and 1856. Under this declaration, native rulers were not allowed to adopt a child if they had no children of their own. Their territory formed part of the British Empire automatically (would automatically be annexed if the ruler was either ‘manifestly incompetent or died without a male heir’). The state of Kittur came under the administration of Dharwad collectorate under The East India company’s collector and political agent, Mr. St. John Thackeray. Mr. Chaplin was the commissioner of the region. Both did not recognize the new ruler and the regent, and informed that Kittur had to accept the British regime. Thackeray wished to capture Kittur to expand the British Empire. He was a clever strategist and refused to recognise the adoption as legal according to the “Doctrine of Lapse” imposed on all the states by the British. He sent his people to oversee the affairs of the kingdom and wished to take over the entire kingdom and its treasury. Both the local people and Rani Chennamma opposed strongly British high handedness. Thackeray invaded Kittur. In the battle, hundreds of British soldiers along with Thackeray were killed by the Kitturu forces. Amatur Balappa, Chennamma’s lieutenant, was responsible for his death and the losses to the British forces. Two British officers, Sir Walter Elliot and Mr. Stevenson, were also taken as hostages. Rani Chennamma released them after a promise from the British that the war would end.

(Picture Courtesy: Essay on Doctrine of Lapse)

War against the British

The humiliation of defeat at the hands of a small ruler was too much for the British to swallow. The British cheated her and re-started the war. This time, the British officer Chaplin actually continued the war with more forces. They brought in bigger armies from Mysore and Sholapur and surrounded Kittur. Chennamma tried her best to avoid war; she negotiated with Chaplin and Governor of Bombay Presidency under whose regime Kittur fell. It had no effect. Chennamma was compelled to declare war.

Rani Chennamma fought the second battle fiercely with the aid of her lieutenant Sangoli Rayanna and Gurusiddappa. During this second round of war, the Sub-collector of Sholapur, Mr. Munrow, nephew of Sir Thomas Munro, was also killed. For 12 days, Chennamma and her soldiers relentlessly defended their fort, but yet again, Chennamma was made prey to deceit –as is the common trait, the traitors sneaked in and mixed mud and dung in the gunpowder in the canons. Two soldiers of her own army, Mallappa Shetty and Vankata Rao, betrayed Chennamma by mixing mud and cow dung with the gunpowder used for the canons. Ultimately, Kittur Chennamma and her forces were outnumbered by the large strength of the British forces. Rani Chennamma was defeated in her last battle and captured by the British, who imprisoned her at the Bailhongal Fort for life, where she passed away on 21 February 1829.

She spent her days reading holy texts and performing pooja till her death in 1829 CE. Kittur Rani Chennamma could not win the war against British, but she etched her presence for many centuries in the world of history. Along with Onake Obavva, Abbakka Rani and Keladi Chennamma, she is much revered in Karnataka as an icon of bravery. Chennamma became a legend. During the freedom movement, her brave resistance to British formed theme of plays, songs, and song stories. Folk songs or “Lavani” were a legion and freedom struggle got a good boost through singing bards who moved throughout the region. (Lavani are the traditional folk songs and the dance format Tamasha contains the dancer (Tamasha Bai), the helping dancer – Maavshi, The Drummer – Dholki vaala & The Flute Boy – Baasuri Vaala).

It is heartening that a statue of Kittur Chennamma was installed in the Parliamentary Building premises at New Delhi on 11th September 2007. However, limiting ourselves to only garlanding the statues will not suffice. The immense contributions of these great warriors to our Freedom Struggle have to be taught to children at homes as well as in schools as part of the school curriculum. Every year Kittur Rani Chennamma’s jayanti has to be celebrated as in “Kittur Utsav”, where skits, elocution and debates have to be conducted depicting the great warrior queen’s life and personality, and showcasing the queen’s grit and determination in fighting the enemy. This will increase the self-confidence in children, as well as inculcate a sense of pride towards the nation, to achieve ultimate glory of our motherland, Bhārat.

References & Acknowledgement:

  1. Heroes of Freedom Struggle – Rani Chennamma of Kitturu – By Dr. Nanditha Krishna
  2. Rani Chennamma – posted in hinduhistory.info by Ranbir Singh
  3. Essay on Doctrine of Lapse by Mamta Aggarwal (historydiscussion.net).
  4. Rani Kittur Chennamma: India’s Valiant Freedom Fighter – By Shagun Gupta
  5. Rani Chennamma of Kittur – (www.indianscriptures.com)
  6. Kittur Rani Chennamma – One of India’s first warrior queens – by Prateeksha Nayak
  7. Kittur Rani Chennamma : Earliest ruler to fight British rule – posted in http://www.hindujagruti.org
  8. Rani Chennamma Statue at Parliament – published in The Hindu daily.
  9. Heroes of Civilization : Shakti – posted in www.AriseBharat.com

 

ವೀರನಾರಿ ಕಿತ್ತೂರು ರಾಣಿ ಚನ್ನಮ್ಮ

(ಬ್ರಿಟಿಷರ ವಿರುದ್ಧ ಗೆಲುವಿನ ನೆನಪಿಗಾಗಿ ಪ್ರತಿವರ್ಷ ಅ.23ರಿಂದ 25ರವರೆಗೆ ಆಚರಿಸು ವುದೇ ಕಿತ್ತೂರು ಉತ್ಸವ.)

ಬ್ರಿಟಿಷರ ವಿರುದ್ಧದ ಹೋರಾಟದಲ್ಲಿ ಬೆಳಗುವ ಹೆಸರುಗಳಲ್ಲಿ ಕಿತ್ತೂರು ರಾಣಿ ಚನ್ನಮ್ಮಳದು ಮುಂಚೂಣಿಯಲ್ಲಿದೆ. ಆದರೆ ಅವಳು ಆಳಿದ ನೆಲ ಇಂದು ದುಸ್ಥಿತಿಯಲ್ಲಿದೆ; ಕೋಟೆ ಕುಸಿಯುತ್ತಿದೆ. ಕಿತ್ತೂರಿನ ಸಮಗ್ರ ಇತಿಹಾಸ ಸಾರುವ ಸಾಹಿತ್ಯವೂ ರಚನೆಯಾಗಿಲ್ಲ. ಹೀಗಿರುವಾಗ ಮುಂದಿನ ಪೀಳಿಗೆ ಇತಿಹಾಸದಿಂದ ಪ್ರೇರಣೆ ಪಡೆಯುವುದಾದರೂ ಹೇಗೆ?

ಭಾರತದ ಪ್ರಥಮ ಸ್ವಾತಂತ್ರ್ಯ ಸಂಗ್ರಾಮದ ಬಗ್ಗೆ-1857ರಲ್ಲಿ ನಡೆದದ್ದು- ಇಡೀ ದೇಶಕ್ಕೇ ಗೊತ್ತು. ಆದರೆ, ಅದಕ್ಕೂ 33 ವರ್ಷಗಳ ಮೊದಲೇ ಅಂದರೆ 1824ರಲ್ಲೇ ನಮ್ಮ ನಾಡಿನ ಐತಿಹಾಸಿಕ ನೆಲ ಕಿತ್ತೂರಿನಲ್ಲಿ ಬ್ರಿಟಿಷರ ವಿರುದ್ಧ ಹೋರಾಟ ನಡೆದಿತ್ತು. ವೀರರಾಣಿ ಚನ್ನಮ್ಮ ಬ್ರಿಟಿಷರನ್ನು ಸದೆಬಡಿದು ವಿಜಯದ ಕಹಳೆ ಮೊಳಗಿಸಿದ್ದಳು. ಆದರೆ, ಈ ಭವ್ಯ ಇತಿಹಾಸ ದೇಶವಾಸಿಗಳ ಗಮನಕ್ಕೆ ಅಷ್ಟಾಗಿ ಬಂದಿಲ್ಲವೆನ್ನುವುದು ಖೇದದ ಸಂಗತಿಯೇ ಸರಿ. ಇನ್ನೊಂದೆಡೆ, ಪ್ರತಿವರ್ಷ ರಾಜ್ಯ ಸರ್ಕಾರ ಆಚರಿಸುವ ಕಿತ್ತೂರು ಉತ್ಸವ ರಾಜ್ಯಮಟ್ಟದ ಉತ್ಸವವಾಗಿ ರೂಪ ಪಡೆಯುತ್ತಿಲ್ಲ. ಹೋರಾಟದ ಕೆಚ್ಚೆದೆಯನ್ನೇ ಉಸಿರಾಗಿಸಿಕೊಂಡು ಬೆಳೆದ ಊರು ಕಿತ್ತೂರು. ಇದರ ಮೂಲ ಹೆಸರು ಗೀಜಗನಹಳ್ಳಿ. ಈ ಸಣ್ಣ ಊರು ಪ್ರಸಿದ್ಧವಾಗಲು ಕಾರಣ ರಾಣಿ ಚನ್ನಮ್ಮ. ಕಿತ್ತೂರಲ್ಲಿರುವ ಸ್ಮಾರಕಗಳು, ಐತಿಹಾಸಿಕ ಪಳೆಯುಳಿಕೆಗಳು ಹಾಗೂ ವಸ್ತುಗಳು ಒಂದೊಂದೂ ರೋಚಕ ಕಥೆಯನ್ನು ಪಿಸುಗುಡುತ್ತವೆ. ಆದರೆ, ಪ್ರೇರಣಾದಾಯಿಅಧ್ಯಾಯದ ಸ್ಥಳಗಳು ನಿರ್ಲಕ್ಷ್ಯಕ್ಕೆ ಒಳಗಾಗಿ ಜನರ ಗಮನಕ್ಕೆ ಬರುತ್ತಿಲ್ಲ.

ಕಿತ್ತೂರು ಉತ್ಸವ ಆಚರಣೆ ಏಕೆ?

ಭಾರತವನ್ನು ತಮ್ಮ ಕಪಿಮುಷ್ಟಿಯಲ್ಲಿ ಇಟ್ಟುಕೊಳ್ಳಬೇಕೆಂಬ ಕಾರಣಕ್ಕೆ ಬ್ರಿಟಿಷರು ಒಂದೊಂದೇ ಸಂಸ್ಥಾನಗಳ ಮೇಲೆ ದಬ್ಬಾಳಿಕೆ ಹಾಗೂ ಯುದ್ಧ ಮಾಡುತ್ತ ಸಾಗಿದ್ದರು. ಬ್ರಿಟಿಷ್ ಅಧಿಕಾರಿ ಧಾರವಾಡದ ಥ್ಯಾಕರೆ 1824ರ ಅ.23ರಂದು ಕಿತ್ತೂರಿನ ಕೋಟೆಯ ಬಾಗಿಲು ತೆರೆಯಲು ಆಜ್ಞೆ ಮಾಡಿದನು. ಬಾಗಿಲನ್ನು ತೆರೆಯದೆ ಇದ್ದಾಗ ಕೋಟೆಯ ಬಾಗಿಲು ಒಡೆಯುವಂತೆ ಹೇಳಿದನು. ಕೊನೆಗೆ ಯುದ್ಧವನ್ನೂ ಸಾರಿದನು. ಈ ಯುದ್ಧದಲ್ಲಿ ಪತಿ ಮರಣವನ್ನಪ್ಪಿದರೂ ಹೆದರದೆ ಮುನ್ನುಗ್ಗಿದ ಚನ್ನಮ್ಮ ಪರಾಕ್ರಮ ಮೆರೆಯುತ್ತಾಳೆ. ತನ್ನ ಬಲಗೈ ಬಂಟರಾದ ಸಂಗೊಳ್ಳಿ ರಾಯಣ್ಣ ಹಾಗೂ ಅಮಟೂರು ಬಾಳಪ್ಪ ಸೈನ್ಯದೊಂದಿಗೆ ಯುದ್ಧಕ್ಕೆ ಇಳಿಯುತ್ತಾಳೆ. ಮಹಾನವಮಿ ಯಂದು ಬ್ರಿಟಿಷ್ ಕಲೆಕ್ಟರ್ ಥ್ಯಾಕರೆ ಸಾಹೇಬನ ರುಂಡ ಚೆಂಡಾಡಿ ಜಯ ಸಾಧಿಸು ತ್ತಾಳೆ. ಬ್ರಿಟಿಷರ ವಿರುದ್ಧ ಗೆಲುವಿನ ನೆನಪಿಗಾಗಿ ಪ್ರತಿವರ್ಷ ಅ.23ರಿಂದ 25ರವರೆಗೆ ಆಚರಿಸು ವುದೇ ಕಿತ್ತೂರು ಉತ್ಸವ. ಈ ಉತ್ಸವದ ಮೂಲಕ ಕಿತ್ತೂರು ಸಂಸ್ಥಾನದ ಸಮಗ್ರ ಇತಿಹಾಸವನ್ನು ಯುವಕರಿಗೆ ಪರಿಚಯಿಸುವ ಸಲುವಾಗಿ 1967ರಲ್ಲಿ ದಿ.ಪ್ರೊ.ವಿ.ಜಿ.ಮಾರಿಹಾಳ ಮಾರ್ಗದರ್ಶನದಲ್ಲಿ ಈರಣ್ಣ ಮಾರಿಹಾಳ ವೀರರಾಣಿ ಚನ್ನಮ್ಮ ಯುವಕ ಸಂಘ ಹುಟ್ಟು ಹಾಕಿದರು. ಸರ್ಕಾರದ ಸಹಾಯಕ್ಕೆ ಕೈಯೊಡ್ಡದೆ ಯುವಕ ಸಂಘಗಳ ದೇಣಿಗೆಯಲ್ಲೇ ಉತ್ಸವ ಆಚರಿಸತೊಡಗಿದರು. 1982 ರಲ್ಲಿ ದಿ.ಚನ್ನಪ್ಪ ಮಾರಿಹಾಳ ಅಧ್ಯಕ್ಷತೆಯಲ್ಲಿ ಚನ್ನಮ್ಮ ವಿಜಯೋತ್ಸವ ಕಮಿಟಿ ರಚಿಸಲಾಯಿತು. ಈ ಕಮಿಟಿ 1996 ರವರೆಗೆ ವಿಜಯೋತ್ಸವ ಆಚರಿಸಿತು. 1997 ರಿಂದ ಸರ್ಕಾರದ ವತಿಯಿಂದ ಕಿತ್ತೂರು ಉತ್ಸವವನ್ನು ಆಚರಿಸಲಾಗುತ್ತಿದೆ.

ಚನ್ನಮ್ಮನ ಖಡ್ಗ ವಾಪಸ್ ಬರುವುದೇ?

ಕಿತ್ತೂರು ರಾಣಿ ಚನ್ನಮ್ಮ ಎಂದಕೂಡಲೇ ಕುದುರೆ ಏರಿ, ಖಡ್ಗ ಝುಳಪಿಸುವ ಚಿತ್ರ ಕಣ್ಮುಂದೆ ಬರುತ್ತದೆ. ಈ ವೀರನಾರಿ ಬ್ರಿಟಿಷರ ರುಂಡ ಚೆಂಡಾಡುವ ವೇಳೆ ಹಿಡಿದ ಖಡ್ಗವನ್ನು ನೋಡುವ ಅವಕಾಶ ನಾಡಿನ ಜನರಿಗೆ ಸಿಕ್ಕಿಲ್ಲ. ಕಿತ್ತೂರು ಸಂಸ್ಥಾನದ ಅರಸರು ಬ್ರಿಟಿಷ್ ಅಧಿಕಾರಿಗಳೊಂದಿಗೆ ಪತ್ರ ವ್ಯವಹಾರ ನಡೆಸಿದ ದಾಖಲೆಗಳು ಇಂದಿಗೂ ಲಂಡನ್​ನ ಭಾರತ ಕಚೇರಿಯ ಪತ್ರಾಗಾರ (ಇಂಡಿಯಾ ಆಫೀಸ್, ಲಂಡನ್)ದಲ್ಲಿ ಸುರಕ್ಷಿತವಾಗಿ ಕಾದಿಡಲ್ಪಟ್ಟಿವೆ. ಇವು ಕಿತ್ತೂರಿನ ಇತಿಹಾಸ ಹಾಗೂ 1824ರ ಯುದ್ಧದ ಬಗ್ಗೆ ಉಪಲಬ್ಧವಿರುವ ಮಹತ್ವದ ದಾಖಲೆಯಾಗಿವೆ. ಈಗ ಕಿತ್ತೂರನ್ನು ಪ್ರತಿನಿಧಿಸುವ ಉತ್ತರ ಕನ್ನಡ ಲೋಕಸಭಾ ಕ್ಷೇತ್ರದ ಸದಸ್ಯ ಅನಂತಕುಮಾರ ಹೆಗಡೆ ಕೇಂದ್ರ ಸಚಿವರಾಗಿದ್ದು, ವಿದೇಶಾಂಗ ಸಚಿವರೊಂದಿಗೆ ರ್ಚಚಿಸಿ ಖಡ್ಗ ಮತ್ತು ಇತರ ಯುದ್ಧದ ವಸ್ತುಗಳನ್ನು ಮರಳಿ ತಾಯ್ನಾಡಿಗೆ ತರುವ ನಿಟ್ಟಿನಲ್ಲಿ ಕ್ರಮ ಕೈಗೊಳ್ಳುವರೇ? ಈ ಬಾರಿಯ ಕಿತ್ತೂರು ಉತ್ಸವದ ಉದ್ಘಾಟನಾ ಸಮಾರಂಭದಲ್ಲಿ ಈ ವಿಚಾರವಾಗಿ ನಿರ್ಧಾರ ಪ್ರಕಟಿಸುವರೇ ಎಂಬುದು ಚನ್ನಮ್ಮನ ಅಭಿಮಾನಿಗಳ ಕಾತರವಾಗಿದೆ. ದೇಶಾದ್ಯಂತ ಚನ್ನಮ್ಮ ಜಯಂತ್ಯುತ್ಸವ ಆಚರಿಸುವ ಜತೆಗೆ ಲಂಡನ್​ನಲ್ಲಿರುವ ಕಿತ್ತೂರು ಚನ್ನಮ್ಮನ ಖಡ್ಗವನ್ನು ಬೇಗ ಭಾರತಕ್ಕೆ ತರಲು ಕೇಂದ್ರ ಸರ್ಕಾರ ಕ್ರಮ ಕೈಗೊಳ್ಳಬೇಕೆಂದು ಕೂಡಲಸಂಗಮ ಪಂಚಮಸಾಲಿ ಪೀಠದ ಬಸವಜಯ ಮೃತ್ಯುಂಜಯ ಸ್ವಾಮೀಜಿ ಕೂಡ ಆಗ್ರಹಿಸಿದ್ದಾರೆ.

ಬೆಳಕು ವ್ಯವಸ್ಥೆ ಇಲ್ಲ

ಕಿತ್ತೂರು ಇತಿಹಾಸವನ್ನು ಸಂಗೀತ ಹಾಗೂ ವಿದ್ಯುತ್ ದೀಪಗಳೊಂದಿಗೆ ಪರಿಚಯಿಸುವ ನಿಟ್ಟಿನಲ್ಲಿ ಆರಂಭಿಸಿದ್ದ ಧ್ವನಿ ಮತ್ತು ಬೆಳಕು ಪ್ರದರ್ಶನ ಉತ್ಸವಕ್ಕೆ ಮಾತ್ರ ಸೀಮಿತವಾಗಿದೆ. ಈ ವ್ಯವಸ್ಥೆಗಾಗಿ ಸರ್ಕಾರ 2.80 ಕೋಟಿ ರೂ. ಖರ್ಚು ಮಾಡಿದೆ. ಇನ್ನುಂದೆ ವಾರದಲ್ಲಿ ಎರಡು ಬಾರಿ ಧ್ವನಿ ಮತ್ತು ಬೆಳಕು ಪ್ರದರ್ಶನ ಆಯೋಜಿಸಲಾಗುವುದು ಎಂದು ಕಳೆದ ಬಾರಿ ಉತ್ಸವದ ವೇಳೆ ಜಿಲ್ಲಾಡಳಿತ ನೀಡಿದ್ದ ಭರವಸೆ ಈಡೇರಿಲ್ಲ.

ದುಸ್ಥಿತಿಯಲ್ಲಿ ಕಿತ್ತೂರು ಕೋಟೆ

ಚನ್ನಮ್ಮನ ಇತಿಹಾಸ ಸಾರಬೇಕಿದ್ದ ಕೋಟೆ ಕಳಚಿ ಬೀಳುತ್ತಿದೆ. ಕಿತ್ತೂರಿನ ಇತಿಹಾಸಕ್ಕೆ ಸಂಬಂಧಿಸಿ ರಾಣಿ ಚನ್ನಮ್ಮ ಮತ್ತು ಬೆನ್ನಿಗೆ ನಿಂತ ವೀರಕಲಿಗಳ ಸ್ಮಾರಕಗಳು ಮುಂದಿನ ಪೀಳಿಗೆಗೆ ಸ್ಪೂರ್ತಿಯಾಗುವ ನಿಟ್ಟಿನಲ್ಲಿ ಇಲ್ಲಿ ಯಾವುದೇ ಕೆಲಸಗಳು ಆಗಿಲ್ಲ. ಕೋಟೆಯಲ್ಲಿರುವ ದರ್ಬಾರ್ ಹಾಲ್, ಮದ್ದುಗುಂಡುಗಳ ಸಂಗ್ರಹಾಗಾರ, ಬತೇರಿ, ಅರಮನೆಯ ಮುಖ್ಯದ್ವಾರ, ಅತಿಥಿ ಕೋಣೆಗಳು, ಸಭಾಗೃಹ, ಭೋಜನಾಲಯ, ಪೂಜಾ ಕೊಠಡಿ, ಬಾವಿಗಳು, ಸ್ನಾನದ ಮನೆಗಳು ಮುಂತಾದವು ಅವಸಾನದಂಚಿಗೆ ತಲುಪಿವೆ.

ಚನ್ನಮ್ಮನ ಇತಿಹಾಸ

1585-1824ರ ಅವಧಿಯಲ್ಲಿ ಕಿತ್ತೂರು ಸಂಸ್ಥಾನ ಆಳಿದ ಪ್ರಮುಖ 12 ದೇಸಾಯರಲ್ಲಿ ಕಾಕತಿಯ ದೇಸಾಯಿ ದೂಳಪ್ಪಗೌಡ-ಪದ್ಮಾವತಿಯವರ ಏಕಮಾತ್ರ ಪುತ್ರಿ ಚನ್ನಮ್ಮ ಒಬ್ಬಳು. ಬ್ರಿಟಿಷರದ್ದು ಒಡೆದು ಆಳುವ ನೀತಿ. ಈ ಕುತಂತ್ರಕ್ಕೆ ಟಿಪ್ಪು ಹಾಗೂ ಪೇಶ್ವೆಯಂಥ ರಾಜರು ಬಲಿಯಾಗಿದ್ದರು. ಇದು ದೇಶಾಭಿಮಾನಿ ಮಲ್ಲಸರ್ಜನ ಕಳವಳಕ್ಕೆ ಕಾರಣವಾಗಿತ್ತು. ಹಾಗಾಗಿ, ಕೊಲ್ಲಾಪುರದ ದೇಸಾಯರು ಒಳಗೊಂಡಂತೆ ದಕ್ಷಿಣದ ದೇಸಾಯರನ್ನು ಒಗ್ಗೂಡಿಸುವ ಪ್ರಯತ್ನವಾಗಿ ಊರೂರು ಅಲೆದ. ಒಮ್ಮೆ ಕಾಕತಿಗೂ ಬಂದ. ಕಾಕತಿಯಲ್ಲಿ ಹುಲಿಬೇಟೆ ಸಂದರ್ಭ ಮಲ್ಲಸರ್ಜನೊಂದಿಗೆ ಚನ್ನಮ್ಮನ ಭೇಟಿಯಾಯಿತು. ನಂತರ ಇಬ್ಬರ ವಿವಾಹವಾಯಿತು ಎಂದು ಲೇಖಕ ಯ.ರು.ಪಾಟೀಲ ತಮ್ಮ ಕೃತಿಯಲ್ಲಿ ವಿವರಿಸಿದ್ದಾರೆ.

ಟಿಪ್ಪು ಸುಲ್ತಾನನ ಸಮಕಾಲೀನ ಮಲ್ಲಸರ್ಜನು 1782 ರಲ್ಲಿ ಸಿಂಹಾಸನವೇರಿದ. ಆತ ಸಾಹಸಿ ಮತ್ತು ಸಮರ್ಥ ಆಡಳಿತಗಾರನಾಗಿದ್ದ. ದೇಸಾಯಿಣಿ ಚನ್ನಮ್ಮನೊಂದಿಗೆ ಸುಖದಿಂದ ರಾಜ್ಯವಾಳಿ 1816ರಲ್ಲಿ ತೀರಿಕೊಂಡ. ಆಗ ಹಿರಿಯ ದೇಸಾಯಿಣಿ ರುದ್ರಮ್ಮಳ ಮಗ ಶಿವಲಿಂಗಸರ್ಜನಿಗೆ ಆಡಳಿತ ನೀಡಲಾಯಿತು. ಆದರೆ, ರೋಗ ಪೀಡಿತನಾದ ಈತನೂ ಮೃತಪಟ್ಟ. ಆಗ ದತ್ತಕ ತೆಗೆದುಕೊಳ್ಳಲು ಹೊರಟಾಗ ಬ್ರಿಟಿಷ್ ಸರ್ಕಾರ ಒಪ್ಪಿಗೆ ನೀಡಲಿಲ್ಲ. ಈ ಕುಂಟುನೆಪದೊಂದಿಗೆ ಬ್ರಿಟಿಷರು ಕಿತ್ತೂರು ಸಂಸ್ಥಾನವನ್ನು ಅಧೀನಪಡಿಸಿಕೊಳ್ಳುವ ಹೊಂಚು ಹಾಕಿದರು. ಇದನ್ನು ರಾಣಿ ಚನ್ನಮ್ಮ ವಿರೋಧಿಸಿದಳು.

ಶಿವಲಿಂಗಸರ್ಜನ ಮರಣದ ನಂತರ ಆಗಿನ ಧಾರವಾಡದ ಕಲೆಕ್ಟರ್ ಥ್ಯಾಕರೆ ಕಿತ್ತೂರಿಗೆ ಬಂದು ರಾಜಭಂಡಾರಕ್ಕೆ ಬೀಗ ಹಾಕಿ ತನ್ನ ಅಧಿಕಾರಿಗಳನ್ನು ನೇಮಕ ಮಾಡಿದ. ಈ ಕ್ರಮ ಚನ್ನಮ್ಮನಿಗೆ ಸರಿ ಅನಿಸದೆ ಥ್ಯಾಕರೆ ವಿರುದ್ಧ ಯುದ್ಧ ಸಾರಿದಳು. ಆದರೆ, ಸಂಧಾನ ಬಾಗಿಲು ತೆರೆದಿತ್ತು. ಮಾತುಕತೆ ನೆಪದಲ್ಲಿ ಥ್ಯಾಕರೆ ಹೊರಬಂದ. ಆಗ ಕಿತ್ತೂರ ಕೋಟೆ ಬಾಗಿಲು ಮುಚ್ಚಿತು. ಬಾಗಿಲು ತೆರೆಯಲು ನೀಡಿದ ಆದೇಶ ವಿಫಲವಾಯಿತು. ಆಗ ಚನ್ನಮ್ಮನ ಆದೇಶದಂತೆ ಅಮಟೂರ ಬಾಳಪ್ಪ ಗುಂಡುಹಾರಿಸಿದ್ದೇ ತಡ, ಥ್ಯಾಕರೆ ಹೆಣ ಕೆಳಗೆ ಬಿತ್ತು. ನಂತರ ನಡೆದ ಹೋರಾಟದಲ್ಲಿ ಬ್ರಿಟಿಷರ ವಿರುದ್ಧ ಕಿತ್ತೂರು ಸಂಸ್ಥಾನ ಜಯ ಸಾಧಿಸಿತು. ಆದರೆ 2ನೇ ಯುದ್ಧದಲ್ಲಿ ಚನ್ನಮ್ಮ ಸೋತು ಬ್ರಿಟಿಷರಿಗೆ ಸೆರೆಯಾಗಿ 1829 ಫೆ.2ರಂದು ಬೈಲಹೊಂಗಲದ ಕಾರಾಗೃಹದಲ್ಲಿ ದೇಹತ್ಯಾಗ ಮಾಡುತ್ತಾಳೆ.

ಹೆಸರಿಗಷ್ಟೇ ಅಭಿವೃದ್ಧಿ ಪ್ರಾಧಿಕಾರ

ಕಿತ್ತೂರು ಸಂಸ್ಥಾನಕ್ಕೆ ಸಂಬಂಧಿಸಿದ ಸ್ಥಳಗಳ ಅಭಿವೃದ್ಧಿಗಾಗಿ ಬಿ.ಎಸ್.ಯಡಿಯೂರಪ್ಪ ಸಿಎಂ ಆಗಿದ್ದಾಗ ಕಿತ್ತೂರು ಅಭಿವೃದ್ಧಿ ಪ್ರಾಧಿಕಾರ ರಚಿಸಲಾಗಿತ್ತು. ಆಗ ಪ್ರಾಧಿಕಾರದಿಂದ ಸಣ್ಣಪುಟ್ಟ ಕೆಲಸಗಳೂ ನಡೆದಿದ್ದವು. ಆದರೆ, ಹಾಲಿ ಮುಖ್ಯಮಂತ್ರಿ ಸಿದ್ದರಾಮಯ್ಯ ಪ್ರಾಧಿಕಾರದ ಅಧ್ಯಕ್ಷರಾದ ಮೇಲೆ ಹೇಳಿಕೊಳ್ಳುವಂಥ ಯಾವ ಅಭಿವೃದ್ಧಿ ಕೆಲಸವೂ ನಡೆದಿಲ್ಲ. ಇತಿಹಾಸವನ್ನು ಸಮಗ್ರವಾಗಿ ಅಭ್ಯಸಿಸದವರು ಹಾಗೂ ರಾಜಕೀಯ ವ್ಯಕ್ತಿಗಳೇ ಪ್ರಾಧಿಕಾರದ ಸದಸ್ಯರಾಗಿದ್ದರಿಂದ ಅಭಿವೃದ್ಧಿ ಕೆಲಸಗಳು ಆಗುತ್ತಿಲ್ಲ; ಕೇವಲ ಮಹಾದ್ವಾರಗಳ ನಿರ್ವಣಕ್ಕೆ ಮಾತ್ರ ಪ್ರಾಧಿಕಾರದ ಕೆಲಸ ಸೀಮಿತವಾಗಿದೆ ಎಂದು ಚನ್ನಮ್ಮ ಅಭಿಮಾನಿಗಳು ಆರೋಪಿಸುತ್ತಾರೆ.

ಪ್ರವಾಸಿತಾಣವಾಗುವುದೆಂದು?: ಐತಿಹಾಸಿಕ ಕಿತ್ತೂರನ್ನು ಪ್ರವಾಸಿತಾಣವಾಗಿ ಅಭಿವೃದ್ಧಿಪಡಿಸಬೇಕೆಂಬುದು ಇಲ್ಲಿನ ಜನರ ದಶಕಗಳ ಬೇಡಿಕೆ. ಸರ್ಕಾರವೂ ಪ್ರತಿವರ್ಷ ಪ್ರವಾಸೋದ್ಯಮಕ್ಕೆ ಪೂರಕವಾಗಿ ಹಲವು ಯೋಜನೆಗಳನ್ನು ಹಾಕಿಕೊಳ್ಳುತ್ತ ಬಂದಿದೆ. ಆದರೆ, ಅವ್ಯಾವವೂ ಅನುಷ್ಠಾನಗೊಂಡಿಲ್ಲ. ಕಿತ್ತೂರು ಉತ್ಸವ ನಡೆಯುವ ಅಕ್ಟೋಬರ್ ತಿಂಗಳು ಬಿಟ್ಟರೆ, ಪ್ರವಾಸಿಗರು ಇತ್ತ ಸುಳಿಯುವುದು ಕಡಿಮೆ. ಇಷ್ಟಾಗಿಯೂ ಕಿತ್ತೂರು ಕೋಟೆ ನೋಡಲು ಬಂದವರಿಗೆ ನಿರಾಸೆಯೇ ಹೆಚ್ಚು.

ಹೊರಬಾರದ ಸಮಗ್ರ ಸಾಹಿತ್ಯ: ಕಿತ್ತೂರು ಸಂಸ್ಥಾನದ ಸಮಗ್ರ ವಿವರ ಇನ್ನೂ ಲಭ್ಯವಿಲ್ಲ. ಮಹಾರಾಷ್ಟ್ರದ ಪುಣೆ ಹಾಗೂ ಲಂಡನ್​ನಲ್ಲಿ ಕಿತ್ತೂರು ಸಂಸ್ಥಾನಕ್ಕೆ ಸಂಬಂಧಿಸಿದ ದಾಖಲೆಗಳಿವೆ ಎಂದು ಹಲವರು ಹೇಳುತ್ತಾರೆ. ಆದರೆ, ಅವುಗಳನ್ನು ತಂದು ಕ್ರೋಡೀಕರಿಸುವ ಕೆಲಸ ಆಗಿಯೇ ಇಲ್ಲ. ‘ಈ ದಾಖಲೆಗಳನ್ನೆಲ್ಲ ತಂದರೆ ಕಿತ್ತೂರು ಸಂಸ್ಥಾನದ ಬಗ್ಗೆ ಆಳವಾಗಿ ಅಭ್ಯಸಿಸಲು ಸಹಾಯಕವಾಗುತ್ತದೆ‘ ಎಂದು ಕಿತ್ತೂರು ಕಲ್ಮಠದ ಮಡಿವಾಳ ರಾಜಯೋಗೀಂದ್ರ ಸ್ವಾಮೀಜಿ ಹೇಳುತ್ತಾರೆ. ಬೆಳಗಾವಿ ಸಮೀಪದ ಭೂತರಾಮನಹಟ್ಟಿಯಲ್ಲಿ ರಾಣಿ ಚನ್ನಮ್ಮ ವಿಶ್ವವಿದ್ಯಾಲಯವಿದೆ. ಅಲ್ಲಿ ಚನ್ನಮ್ಮನ ಹೆಸರಲ್ಲಿ ಅಧ್ಯಯನ ಪೀಠ ಸ್ಥಾಪಿಸಿ ವಿದ್ಯಾರ್ಥಿಗಳಿಂದ ಇತಿಹಾಸ ಸಾರುವ ಸಂಶೋಧನೆ ಹಾಗೂ ಎಂ.ಫಿಲ್ ಕೈಗೊಳ್ಳಲು ರಾಜ್ಯ ಸರ್ಕಾರವು ಪ್ರೇರಣೆ ತುಂಬಬೇಕು ಎನ್ನುತ್ತಾರೆ ರಾಜಯೋಗೀಂದ್ರ ಸ್ವಾಮೀಜಿ.

ಬೈಲಹೊಂಗಲದಲ್ಲಿ ಸಮಾಧಿ: ಬೈಲಹೊಂಗಲದಲ್ಲಿ ಚನ್ನಮ್ಮನನ್ನು ಸಮಾಧಿ ಮಾಡಲಾಗಿದೆ. ಈ ಸಮಾಧಿಯನ್ನು ರಾಷ್ಟ್ರೀಯ ಸ್ಮಾರಕವನ್ನಾಗಿ ಮಾಡಬೇಕೆಂಬುದು ಇಲ್ಲಿನ ಜನರ ದಶಕಗಳ ಬೇಡಿಕೆ. ಆದರೆ, ಸಣ್ಣ-ಪುಟ್ಟ ಕಾಮಗಾರಿಗಳು ನಡೆದಿದ್ದು ಬಿಟ್ಟರೆ, ರಾಷ್ಟ್ರೀಕ ಸ್ಮಾರಕವಾಗಿ ರೂಪುಗೊಳ್ಳುವ ಲಕ್ಷಣಗಳು ಅಲ್ಲಿ ಗೋಚರಿಸುತ್ತಿಲ್ಲ. ಕಿತ್ತೂರು ಚನ್ನಮ್ಮನ ಜನ್ಮಸ್ಥಳ ಬೆಳಗಾವಿ ತಾಲೂಕಿನ ಕಾಕತಿ ಗ್ರಾಮ. ಅಲ್ಲಿ ಚನ್ನಮ್ಮ ಜನ್ಮತಳೆದ ಮನೆ ಕುಸಿದು ಬಿದ್ದಿದ್ದು, ಐತಿಹಾಸಿಕ ಕಾಕತಿ ಕೋಟೆಯೂ ಬೀಳುತ್ತ ಸಾಗಿದೆ. ಕೋಟೆ ಅಭಿವೃದ್ಧಿ ಆಗಬೇಕು ಮತ್ತು ಚನ್ನಮ್ಮ ವಾಸಿಸುತ್ತಿದ್ದ ಮನೆಯನ್ನು ಪ್ರವಾಸಿ ಸ್ಥಳವನ್ನಾಗಿ ಮಾಡಬೇಕೆಂಬ ಬೇಡಿಕೆಯಿದೆ.

ಸರ್ಕಾರ ಕಿತ್ತೂರು ಚನ್ನಮ್ಮನ ಇತಿಹಾಸದ ಬಗ್ಗೆ ಲಕ್ಷ್ಯ ವಹಿಸುತ್ತಿಲ್ಲ. ಕಿತ್ತೂರನ್ನು ಐತಿಹಾಸಿಕ ಸ್ಥಳವನ್ನಾಗಿಸುವ ನಿಟ್ಟಿನಲ್ಲಿ ಕ್ರಮ ಕೈಗೊಳ್ಳುತ್ತಿಲ್ಲ. ಕೂಡಲೇ ಈ ಕೆಲಸ ಆಗಬೇಕಿದೆ.

ಮಡಿವಾಳ ರಾಜಯೋಗೀಂದ್ರ ಸ್ವಾಮೀಜಿ ಕಲ್ಮಠ ಕಿತ್ತೂರು

ಉತ್ಸವ-ಜಯಂತಿ ಗೊಂದಲ

ಕಿತ್ತೂರು ಸಂಸ್ಥಾನ ಬ್ರಿಟಿಷರನ್ನು ಸದೆಬಡಿದ ನೆನಪಿಗಾಗಿ ಕಿತ್ತೂರಲ್ಲಿ ಕಳೆದೆರಡು ದಶಕಗಳಿಂದ ಸರ್ಕಾರ ಅ.23ರಿಂದ 25ರವರೆಗೆ ವಿಜಯೋತ್ಸವ ಆಚರಿಸುತ್ತ ಬಂದಿದೆ. ಚನ್ನಮ್ಮನ ಜನ್ಮದಿನ ಎಂದು ಹೇಳಲಾಗುವ ನ.14ರಂದು ಕಿತ್ತೂರಿನ ಕಲ್ಮಠದಲ್ಲೇ ಚನ್ನಮ್ಮನ ಜಯಂತಿಯನ್ನು ಆಯೋಜಿಸಲಾಗುತ್ತದೆ. ಈ ಮಧ್ಯೆ ಸರ್ಕಾರ ದಿಢೀರೆಂದು 23ರಂದು ನಡೆಯುವ ಉತ್ಸವದಲ್ಲೇ ಚನ್ನಮ್ಮ ಜಯಂತಿ ಆಚರಣೆಗೂ ಮುಂದಾಗಿದ್ದುದು ತೀವ್ರ ಅಸಮಾಧಾನಕ್ಕೆ ಕಾರಣವಾಗಿತ್ತು. ಹೀಗಾಗಿ ಸರ್ಕಾರ ಜಯಂತಿ ಆಚರಣೆಯಿಂದ ಹಿಂದೆ ಸರಿದಿದೆ.

23 ಎಕರೆ ಪ್ರದೇಶ

ಚನ್ನಮ್ಮನ ಇತಿಹಾಸ ಸಾರುವ ಕಿತ್ತೂರು ಕೋಟೆಯು ಒಟ್ಟು 23 ಎಕರೆ ಪ್ರದೇಶದಲ್ಲಿ ನಿರ್ವಣಗೊಂಡಿದೆ. ಇಲ್ಲಿ ಐತಿಹಾಸಿಕ ಕುರುಹುಗಳ ಜತೆಗೆ, ವಸ್ತು ಸಂಗ್ರಹಾಲಯವೂ ಇದೆ. ಸಂಗ್ರಹಾಲಯದಲ್ಲಿ ಹಲವು ಮಹತ್ವದ ಶಾಸನಗಳು, ವೀರಗಲ್ಲುಗಳು, ಬ್ರಿಟಿಷರ ವಿರುದ್ಧದ ಯುದ್ಧದ ವೇಳೆ ಸೈನಿಕರು ಬಳಸಿದ್ದ ಸಾಮಗ್ರಿಗಳು, ಆ ವೇಳೆ ಧರಿಸಿದ್ದ ಸಮವಸ್ತ್ರಗಳು ಇವೆ. ಪ್ರವಾಸಿಗರು ವಸ್ತು ಸಂಗ್ರಹಾಲಯಕ್ಕೆ ಭೇಟಿ ನೀಡಿ ಮಾಹಿತಿ ಪಡೆಯುತ್ತಾರೆ.

ಕಲ್ಮಠದಿಂದ ಮಾರ್ಗದರ್ಶನ

ಬ್ರಿಟಿಷರ ವಿರುದ್ಧ ಹೋರಾಡಿದ ಚನ್ನಮ್ಮನಿಗೆ ಕಿತ್ತೂರು ರಾಜಸಂಸ್ಥಾನ ಕಲ್ಮಠ ಮಾರ್ಗದರ್ಶನ ಮಾಡುತ್ತ ಬಂದಿತ್ತು. ಅಲ್ಲದೆ ಧಾರ್ವಿುಕ, ರಾಜಕೀಯ, ಸಾಮಾಜಿಕ, ಸಾಂಸ್ಕೃತಿಕ ಹಾಗೂ ಯುದ್ಧತಂತ್ರಗಳ ಬಗ್ಗೆ ತಿಳಿವಳಿಕೆ ನೀಡುತ್ತಿತ್ತು ಎಂದು ಪೂರ್ವಜರು ಹೇಳುತ್ತಾರೆ. ಕಿತ್ತೂರು ಅರಸರಿಗೆ ಮಾರ್ಗದರ್ಶನ ನೀಡಿದ್ದ ರಾಜಗುರು ಸಂಸ್ಥಾನ ಕಲ್ಮಠದ ಆವರಣದಲ್ಲಿರುವ ರಾಜರ ಸಮಾಧಿಗಳು ಮತ್ತು ಚೌಕಿ ಮಠದಲ್ಲಿರುವ ರಾಜಗುರುಗಳ ಸಮಾಧಿಗಳು ಅವಸಾನದಂಚಿಗೆ ತಲುಪಿವೆ.

ಅರಮನೀ ಕಟ್ಟಬೇಕ್ರೀ

ಕಿತ್ತೂರು ಉತ್ಸವ ಇದ್ದಾಗ ಅಧಿಕಾರಿಗೋಳ್ ತಡಬಾಯಿಸಿ ಇಲ್ಲಿಗೇ ಬರ್ತಾರು. ಮತ್ತ ಇತ್ತ ಸುಳಿಯೂದ್ ಇಲ್ಲ. ಕಾಟಾಚಾರಕ್ಕ ಚನ್ನಮ್ಮನ ಉತ್ಸವ ಮಾಡಾಕತ್ತಾರು. ಚನ್ನಮ್ಮ ವಾಸಿಸುತ್ತಿದ್ದ ಮನೆ ಬಿದ್ದಿದ್ದು, ಅಲ್ಲಿನ ಜಾಗವನ್ನ ಸರ್ಕಾರ ವಶಕ್ಕ ಪಡದ ಅಲ್ಲಿ ಅರಮನೀ ಕಟ್ಟಬೇಕ್ರೀ. ಈ ಬಗ್ಗೆ ಸಿಎಂ ಸಿದ್ದರಾಮಯ್ಯ, ಹಿಂದಿನ ಸಿಎಂ ಯಡಿಯೂರಪ್ಪ ಮತ್ತು ಕುಮಾರಸ್ವಾಮಿಗೂ ಮನವಿ ಸಲ್ಲಿಸಿದ್ದೇವೆ ಎಂದು ಕಾಕತಿ ಗ್ರಾಮದಲ್ಲಿರುವ ಚನ್ನಮ್ಮನ ವಂಶಸ್ಥ ಬಾಬಾಸಾಹೇಬ ದೇಸಾಯಿ ಹೇಳುತ್ತಾರೆ.

 

ಹೀಗಿದೆ ಕಾಕತಿ ಗ್ರಾಮ

ಬೆಳಗಾವಿ ತಾಲೂಕಿನ ಕಾಕತಿ ಗ್ರಾಮ ಜಿಲ್ಲಾಕೇಂದ್ರದಿಂದ ಎಂಟು ಕಿಮೀ ದೂರದಲ್ಲಿದೆ. ಇಲ್ಲಿ ಚನ್ನಮ್ಮನ ವಂಶದ 6ನೇ ತಲೆಮಾರಿನ ಮೂರು ಕುಟುಂಬಗಳು ವಾಸಿಸುತ್ತಿವೆ. ಚನ್ನಮ್ಮ ತಂದೆ-ತಾಯಿಯೊಂದಿಗೆ ವಾಸಿಸುತ್ತಿದ್ದ ಮನೆ ಕುಸಿದಿದೆ. 1 ಎಕರೆ, 10 ಗುಂಟೆ ಖಾಲಿ ಜಾಗ ಮಾತ್ರವಿದೆ. ಈ ಜಾಗವನ್ನು ರಾಜ್ಯ ಸರ್ಕಾರ ಕುಟುಂಬಸ್ಥರಿಗೆ ಹಣ ನೀಡಿ ಖರೀದಿಸಿ, ಅಲ್ಲಿ ಮ್ಯೂಸಿಯಂ ಹಾಗೂ ಬಾಲಕಿಯರ ವಸತಿ ನಿಲಯ ನಿರ್ವಿುಸಬೇಕೆಂದು ಹಲವು ಸಲ ಮನವಿ ಸಲ್ಲಿಸಿದ್ದೇವೆ. ಆದರೆ, ಈವರೆಗೆ ಬೇಡಿಕೆ ಈಡೇರಿಲ್ಲ. ಕಾಕತಿ ಗ್ರಾಮದಿಂದ ಮೇಲ್ಭಾಗದಲ್ಲಿರುವ ಶೇ. 75 ಕೋಟೆಯ ಅವಶೇಷಗಳು ಬೀಳುತ್ತಿದ್ದರೂ, ಸರ್ಕಾರ ಗಮನಹರಿಸುತ್ತಿಲ್ಲವೆಂದು ಕಾಕತಿ ಗ್ರಾಮದ ಚನ್ನಮ್ಮ ವಿಜಯೋತ್ಸವ ಸಮಿತಿ ಅಧ್ಯಕ್ಷ ಡಾ.ಎಸ್.ಡಿ.ಪಾಟೀಲ ಹೇಳಿದ್ದಾರೆ.

{Courtesy: ವಿಜಯವಾಣಿ; (Sunday, 22.10.2017)}

Ayodhya Welcomes Prabhu Sri Ram

Welcoming Prabhu Sri Ram to Ayodhya with nearly 1.7 lakh diyas (earthen lamps) at Ram ki Paudi, marked the grand celebrations of Deepavali this year (Vikram Samvat 2074), while a helicopter decorated as “Pushpak Viman” carried Prabhu Ram, Mata Sita and Lakshman Bhayya who were symbolically represented by artists, descended on the Ram Katha Park near Sarayu river in Ayodhya, at the birth place of Sri Ram.

The grand event of this magnitude has happened nearly after “490 years” to the delight of all Bharatiyas filling the spiritual fervor and happiness, reminding us of the nostalgic era of Bharatiya Itihas – Ramayana.

It was in the year 1527 AD, that “Sri Rama Mandir” in Ayodhya was destroyed and demolished by Baburthe barbarous invader. Most celebrations since then were subdued in Ayodhya. Even after Bharat attained independence in 1947, nothing of this magnitude could ever have been imagined. Let alone celebrations, the very birth place of Prabhu Ram was itself challenged and his very existence questioned! The need for a grand Mandir at Ayodhya is still a distant dream, which is being continuously debated and challenged in courts.

The then CM of UP, Mulayam Singh Yadav inorder to checkmate the Mandir movement had ordered indiscriminate firing at Karsevaks and Hindu pilgrims at Ayodhya, only to appease certain sections of the society with his vote-bank politics. The firing at Karsevaks took place on October 30, 1990, when the Ram Mandir movement, spearheaded by Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP), was at its peak.

This year’s grand Deepavali celebrations led by Honorable Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh, Yogi Adityanath, has brought back the glory to Ayodhya in memory of the day when Prabhu Sri Ram along with Seetha mata and Lakshman Bhayya, had returned to Ayodhya as a Victorious King.

Also, these grand celebrations acquire a spiritual and the political significance, as this is the same Sarayu ghat, where Karsevaks were fired upon by police on the orders of the then CM of UP, Mulayam Singh.

By lighting around 2 lakh Diyas, Hon.CM Yogi Adityanath has paid respects to our beloved “Karsevaks” on the banks of river “Sarayu”. These grand celebrations with offering of “Maha aArati” signified the welcoming of Prabhu Sri Ram have once again rekindled hope in Crores of Rama Bhakts, who can reassert and feel proud of being a Hindu. The awakened Hindu has sensed that our festivals and the celebrations are the ones that have kept Hindutva alive, and hence will no longer tolerate any more onslaughts against Hindu ethos.

That is why, DESPITE judicial overreach by the ‘milords’ of Supreme Court to curtail Deepavali celebrations on ‘experimental’ basis, the entire Bharat has gloriously burst the Deepavali crackers, and more this time!

May Prabhu Sri Ram continue to inspire us towards Rama Rajya, a Dharmic way of life.
Jai Sriram. Shubh Deepavali. सियावर रामचंद्र की जय, शुभ दीपावलि.

More pictures at: Ayodhya Welcomes Sri Rama

Coverage in Press:

1.Hon.CM Yogi Adityanath Offers Prayers On The Banks Of River Sarayu.

2. Hon.CM Yogi Adityanath celebrates Diwali in Ayodhya.

3. अयोध्या में भव्य दीपावली महोत्सव.

4. Reuters Video: http://www.reuters.tv/v/anH/2017/10/19/insight-indian-city-lights-up-on-eve-of-diwali

5. Video on Ayodhya Movement:

 

Answers to the So-called Clemency Letter by Veer Savarkar to the British

Savarkar send clemency letters to British to rescue himself, he not only ask for pardon but also surrendered by acknowledging that “I had a fair trial and just sentence and I will never take part in politics” & these evidences are available in ‘National Archives’ in New Delhi.  (See:  Far from heroism – The tale of ‘Veer Savarkar by Krishnan Dubey and Venkitesh Ramakrishnan, 7 Apr 1996, Frontline)
Any one who reads Savarkar’s biography or his autobiography ‘My Transportation for life’ will immediately know the hollowness in these charges. Savarkar writes, “It was my duty as a follower of responsive cooperation, to accept such conditions as would enable me to do better and larger work for my country than I was able to do during the years of imprisonment. I would be free thus to serve my mother country, and I would regard it as a social duty.” (My Transportation for Life by V D Savarkar, page 301) also “Whatever good I could do in the Andamans or whatever awakening I might bring about among its people was nothing in comparison with what I could do in India as a free man. On the other hand, in order to win my freedom, I would not stoop low or lend myself to anything mean or treacherous such as would bring disgrace on my country or be a blot on her fair name. Freedom thus obtained would have harmed the cause and would have been, as I regarded it, an immoral act.” (ibid, p.245). Such was Savarkar’s motive behind his struggle for release.
Savarkar was a true disciple of Chattrapati Shivaji. Shivaji too had sent similar letters and petitions to deceive the enemy as before the killing of Afzal Khan, during Siddi Johar’s siege and during his imprisonment at Agra. He had also accepted some humiliating conditions during the treaty made at the time of the siege of Purandar fort.  However, Shivaji bid his time and avenged all insults when he became powerful enough.  This is clever political stratagem.  Vietnam’s Communist leader ‘Ho Chi Minh’ rescued himself from Kuomintang prison by sending similar kind of petition and assuring cooperation. He expressed his desire to Marshal Chang to work for ‘Dong Minh Hoi’ which was formed in Indochina with the help of Kuomintang government (‘Dong Minh Hoi’ was formed to oppose Ho Chi Minh’s ‘Viet Minh’ party).
When World War I broke out, Savarkar sent petition to the Government of India in 1914.  He averred that were the British to grant Colonial Self-Government to Hindusthan and majority in Central Legislative Council, revolutionaries would help Britain in the War. He gave instances of European Governments setting their political prisoners free and even those of the liberation of  political prisoners in Ireland to prove his point.   Also, he added “I offered to do without any release for myself personally. Let them release all the political prisoners in the country leaving me alone in my own cell in the Andamans. I shall rejoice in their freedom as if it was my own.” (ibid, p.187).  This proves that his demands were selfless and made on behalf of all political prisoners in Andamans, without regard to personal welfare.
Fully aware that the British would not release him fearing the role he would play in Indian politics, Savarkar stated before the Jail Commission in 1920, “If you forbid me from entering into politics, I shall do social and literary work in India. I shall try to serve mankind in many other ways and if I break any condition that you may impose upon me you are free to send me back to this prison on Transportation for Life.” (ibid, p246) He conveyed the same message during his discussion with Governor which is summarized as follows:
“Still, for a stipulated period, I agreed to take no part in politics, that is, in active, day-to-day, politics. In prison, I could not, of course, do any Politics at all. But when outside I could do other kind of work, educational, religious and literary and serve my country in diverse fields. Generals, as prisoners of war, cannot conduct the war and come on the battlefield. They are let off on parole after signing the pledge, like Lord Krishna, who agreed that he would not wield any arms during the continuance of the war. And it is considered no humiliation on their part to do so, and they consider it their duty to do so, in order that, later on, their services might be available to their nation by way of leading and guidance in other work.” (ibid, p.302).

Savarkar did indeed pursue a vigorous campaign of social reform, reform in language and script, Shuddhi (purification or reversion to Hindu fold), scientific outlook as per the conditions of his release.In 1920, most of political prisoners in the Andamans accepted and signed such terms of agreement. “They would abstain from politics and revolutionary activity for a certain number of years and if again they were tried and found guilty of treason, they would come back to the Andamans to serve the remainder of their life-sentence.” (ibid, p.254).

 One need not go to New Delhi’s ‘National Archives’ to see Savarkar’s letter which has been presented as a ‘Clemency Letter’. Savarkar himself published the said letter in his book “Letters From Andaman” (letters which he send to his younger brother Dr.Narayan Savarkar from Andaman) as letter no.8 dated 06-07-1920 (original application which he send to British has date 02-4-1920).  A significant excerpt of it is as follows: 

”As to the question so often put to me and others by officers no less exalted than the members of the Indian Cabinet ‘what if you had rebelled against the ancient kings of India? They used to trample rebels under the feet of Elephants’. I answer that not only in India but even in England and all other parts of the world such would have at times been the fate of rebels. But then why did the British people fill the whole world with a howl that the Germans had ill treated their captives and did not allow them fresh bread and butter! There was a time when captives were flayed alive and offered as victims to Moloch and Thor and such other Gods of war!’ The thing is this that this advanced stage in civilization attained by man is the resultant of the efforts of all men and therefore their common inheritance and benefits all.
Speaking relatively to Barbarian times it is true that I had a fair trial and a just sentence and the Government is at liberty to derive whatever satisfaction they can from the compliment that they give a fairer trial and a juster sentence to their captives than the cannibals used to do. But it should not be forgotten that if in olden days the rulers flayed their rebels alive then the rebels too when they got the upper hand flayed alive the rulers as well. And if the British people treated me or other rebels more justly i.e. less barbarously then they may rest assured that they too would be as leniently treated by the Indian rebels if ever the tables are turned”
When the Montague-Chelmsford Reforms were introduced in 1919, Savarkar wrote to Montagu and Governor General,  “I have further told them that if they granted real self-government to India with substantial elected majority in the Central Legislature and With no incubus of the Council of State upon it; and if they further granted full amnesty to Indian political prisoners in the country and outside, in India and in the Andamans. and to exiles in Europe and America, myself and many more like me will accept the new dispensation and, if elected to the Legislature, will exert to make the reforms a success. The Legislature that had all along treated me with scorn and indifference, and that excited an equal contempt in our hearts for it. Will, thenceforward, be our scene of action where we shall be proud to work and co-operate for the fulfillment of our aim.” (ibid, p.220)
All this clearly indicates that Savarkar was trying to deceive the British.  Instead, some Indians are willing to be deceived.  It is necessary to read ‘between the lines’ while reading political resolutions, letters and applications. Those who accuse Savarkar of cowardice or treason are either not capable or not willing to read ‘between the lines’. Savarkar never hid these letters or petitions.  Instead, he detailed the political strategy behind the letters in his ‘My Transportation for Life’.  Let no one make a song and dance that they have unearthed some State secret!
  • Is it true that Savarkar apologized for his deeds to seek release from jail in Andaman Islands?

No. He did not apologize for his deeds.

Savarkar was sentenced to Transportation for Life, TWICE and sent to Andaman Islands to serve that sentence. IT DID NOT MEAN 50 years in jail. After serving a few years (usually 3 to 4) the inmates were allowed to go to work outside the jail and eventually settle on the islands. Savarkar was denied this even after serving 11 years. That was utter barbarity.

At the time of the First World War Savarkar did write to Montague, then Secretary of State for India. He said that –

Britain should set up colonial self Government for India
In return Indian revolutionaries would cease all hostilities and help Britain in war effort.

The Governor General eventually replied, ” In the present circumstances it is impossible to give effect to your suggestion.”
NO PLEA FOR CLEMENCY HERE.

Due to outcry about prison conditions on the Andaman Islands the British Authorities decided to close the jail on the islands. Concessions were being made to prisoners who wanted to settle on the islands. But these were denied to Savarkar. He did want to settle on the islands. He was forcibly sent back to mainland India and kept in various prisons for further 3 years.

Is it true that Savarkar’s health deteriorated in the Andamans and hence the Government was compelled to transfer him to Indian prisons in 1921?

In Andaman no medical aid was ever given to political prisoners. British Authorities were absolutely callous in this respect. Savarkar’s elder brother Babarao suffered terribly. The Savarkar brothers were sent back to mainland India not because of failing health but because Government had decided to close down the prison settlement in Andaman, after several years of mounting public pressure in India.

Courtesy : http://www.savarkar.org