Category Archives: Exclusivist religions

The Hindu history of Afghanistan – Subodh Kapoor

The Hindu History of Afghanistan

The year 980 C.E. marks the beginning of the Muslim invasion into India proper when Sabuktagin attacked Raja Jaya Pal in Afghanistan. Afghanistan is today a Muslim country separated from India by another Muslim country Pakistan. But in 980 C.E. Afghanistan was also a place where the people were Hindus and Buddhists.The name “Afghanistan” comes from “Upa-Gana-stan” which means in Sanskrit “the place inhabited by allied tribes”.

This was the place from where Gandhari of the Mahabharat came from, Gandhar whose king was Shakuni. The Pakthoons are descendants of the Paktha tribe mentioned in Vedic literature. Till the year 980 C.E., this area was a Hindu majority area, till Sabuktagin from Ghazni invaded it and displaced the ruling Hindu king – Jaya Pal Shahi.

Shiva worship was widespread in Afghanistan

There was a time when the entire region was replete with hundreds of Shiva temples celebrating Shiva – Parvati worship and abuzz with Shiv chants, prayers, legends and worship. Archaeological excavations in this region conducted by Sir Estine (an East India Company official) led to the recovery of uncountable shrines and inscriptions. He has authored four books on that topic featuring photos of icons, icons and inscriptions discovered. The photos show a sun temple and a Ganesha statue too. An Islamabad University professor Abdul Rehman has authored two books on those finds recalling the glory and prosperity of those times. Regimes of two Hindu rulers “Kusham” and “Kidara” lasted for fairly long periods.

During their rule a number of Shiva temples were not only in Afghanistan but in other West Asian regions too. Uzbekistan and Takzikistan formed part of the Afghan kingdom in those times. Tashkent has one of those ancient Shiva temples standing even today. Professor Abdul Rehman states that Bukhara region Was known as “Shah Vihar” in ancient times. It was ruled by an Hindu king. When Arabs invaded that kingdom its queen traveled to Kashmir to seek military help. Arab chronicles mention her as ‘Khatoon’, meaning ’Woman’. “Kalhan“, the ancient Hindu historian of Kashmir has mentioned that the army of the then Hindu ruler of Kashmir had a battle with a vast army of the Arab Khalifa Mamoon whose headquarters was Baghdad. At that time Bukhara had been under Muslim rule. He had invited a number of leading Hindu experts to Baghdad. An Ayurvedic practitioner of Varansi (alias Benares) had treated the Khalifa for some ailment afflicting the latter. In those days it was Hindu Ayurvedic practitioners who were eagerly sought by Arab patients. A number of Arabs had translated Sanskrit Ayurvedic texts into Arabic. A list of those translated Sanskrit texts appears in a Volume known as al “Frisht“.

Baku (capital of the Azerbaijan region) known for its underground petroleum yields has still an ancient Hindu temple of the Divine Flame generated by the subterranean petrol and gas). During the Czar regimes in Russia a Punjabi priest officiated at that temple. The walls display some religious stanzas written in Punjabi Gurumakhi script. The market there also had Hindu merchants. Nearby was a locality too of Hindu inhabitants. Baku in Azerbaijani language actually signifies a Goddess. Therefore obviously Baku derives its name from a very ancient Vedic Goddess temple there.

Kenduj a province of Afghanistan, ruled by a king that had a Hindu prime minister. This is mentioned in history books. Albirruni’s travel account contains details of ancient Hindu Afghanistan, He mentions a Hindu king, Khingla whose coins bore the imprint of Shiva. The first ruler of that dynasty was Viahitagni. History mentions a Shiva temple in Gardej township, which was plundered by Arab invaders. That dynasty ruled the region from 666 to 843 A.D. From 843 to 850 A.D. a Brahmin Minister ruled the region. The Kalkaa community of Brahmins had ancquired promince in those times. They were later known as Kallers. A township of that name exists in Punjab. Prominent among them who find a mention in later history are Samantdev, Bheemdev, Jaipaldev, Anandpal and Trilochan. Jaipaldev suffered a defeat in 1002 when Mohammed Ganzavi invaded India. Unable to bear that defeat Jaipaldev committed suicide.

When Hsüan-tsang visited the region early in the 7th century CE, the Kabul valley region was ruled by a Hindu Kshatriya king, who is identified as the Shahi Khingal, and whose name has been found in an inscription found in Gardez.

The Hindu Shahi kings of Kabul and Gandhara may have had links to some ruling families in neighboring Kashmir and other areas to the east.

The place where Kabul’s main mosque stands today was the site of an ancient Hindu temple and the story of its capture is kept alive in Islamic Afghan legend which describes the Islamic hero Sabuktagin who fought with a sword in every hand to defeat the Hindus and destroy their temple to put up a Mosque in its place.

The victory of Sabuktagin pushed the frontiers of the Hindu kingdom of the Shahis from Kabul to behind the Hindu Kush mountains Hindu Kush is literally “killer of Hindus” – a name given by Mahmud Ghazni to describe the number of Hindus who died on their way into Afghanistan to a life of captivity . After this setback, the Shahis shifted their capital from Kubha (Kabul) to Udbhandapura (modern Und in NWFP). Sabuktagin’s son Mahmud Ghazni, kept up the attacks on the Shahis and captured Und. Subsequently, the Shahis moved their capital to Lahore and later to Kangra in Himachal.

The recovery and significance of the inscription, telling a story of the Hindu ruler Veka and his devotion to lord ‘Siva’, was told by leading epigraphist and archaeologist Prof Ahmad Hasan Dani of the Quaid-E-Azam University of Islamabad at the ongoing Indian History Congress here.

“The date of 138 of present inscription, should be equal to 959 AD which falls during the reign of Bhimapala”, Dani said in a paper “Mazar-i Sharif inscription of the time of the Shahi ruler Veka, dated the year 138”.

The inscription, with eleven lines written in “western Sarada” style of Sanskrit of 10th century AD, had several spelling mistakes. “As the stone is slightly broken at the top left corner, the first letter `OM’ is missing”, he said.

According to the inscription, “the ruler Veka occupied by eight-fold forces, the earth, the markets and the forts. It is during his reign that a temple of Siva in the embrace with Uma was built at Maityasya by Parimaha (great) Maitya for the benefit of himself and his son”.

Dani said “the inscription gives the name of the king as Shahi Veka Raja and bestows on him the qualification of `Iryatumatu Ksanginanka’…. and (he) appears to be the same king who bears the name of Khingila or Khinkhila who should be accepted as a Shahi ruler”.

Dani further said “he may be an ancestor of Veka deva. As his coins are found in Afghanistan and he is mentioned by the Arab ruler Yaqubi, he may be an immediate predecessor of Veka deva… Both the evidences of inscription and coins suggest that Veka or Vaka should be accepted as an independent ruler of northern Afghanistan.

“Thus we find another branch of the Shahi ruler in northern part of Afghanistan beyond the Hindukush. Veka is said to have conquered the earth, the markets and the forts by his eight-fold forces, suggesting that he must have himself gained success against the Arab rulers of southern Afghanistan”.

Dani observed that going by the findings it seemed that during the rule of the Hindu Shahi ruler Bhimapala there was a break in the dynasty – one branch, headed by Jayapala, ruled in Lamaghan and Punjab, and another branch, headed by Veka, ruled in northern part of Afghanistan.

“The northern branch must have come to an end by the conquest of Alptigin in the second half of tenth century AD”, he said.

India has developed a highly constructive, imaginative reconstruction strategy for Afghanistan that is designed to please every sector of Afghan society, give India a high profile with the Afghan people, gain the maximum political advantage with the Afghan government, increase its influence with its Northern Alliance friends and turn its image from that of a country that supported the Soviet invasion and the communist regime in the 1980s to an indispensable ally and friend of the Afghan people in the new century.

http://www.indiadivine.org/news/articles-on-hinduism/the-hindu-history-of-afghanistan-r726

Kancha Ilaiah and his Devious Intentions

కంచె దాటిన ఐలయ్య

కంచె ఐలయ్య రాసే రాతలు చూస్తుంటే భారత జాతీయ సమగ్రతను దెబ్బతీయడమే లక్ష్యంగా ఈ రాతలు రాస్తున్నాడా అనే అనుమానం కలుగుతోంది. భారత్ కు వ్యతిరేకంగా విదేశీ శక్తులు పన్నే కుట్రల్లో ఆయనో పావుగా మారాడా?

ప్రముఖ రచయిత రాజీవ్ మల్హోత్రా…అమెరికా-యూరోప్ కేంద్రంగా భారత్ కు వ్యతిరేకంగా జరుగుతున్న కుట్రలపై ఆయన గత కొన్నేళ్లుగా పరిశోధనలు చేస్తున్నారు. ఎప్పటికప్పుడు వాటి తాలూకు సమగ్ర వ్యాసాలను ప్రచురిస్తూనే ఉన్నారు. ద్రావిడ, దళిత ఉద్యమాల్లో పాశ్చాత్య దేశాలకు చెందిన సంస్థల జోక్యాలు, క్రైస్తవ మిషనరీలకు ధనసాయంపై ఆయన విస్తృత పరిశోధనలే చేశారు. తన పరిశోధనకు సంబంధించిన అన్ని వివరాలపై ఆంగ్లంలో బ్రేకింగ్ ఇండియా పేరుతో ఓ గ్రంథం కూడా ప్రచురితమైంది.

ఇదే గ్రంథాన్ని తెలుగులో భారత దేశాన్ని విచ్చిన్నం చేసే ప్రయత్నాల పేరుతో తెలుగులో ఎమెస్కో వారు ప్రచురించారు కూడా..! ఈ పుస్తకాన్ని అధ్యయనం చేస్తే…, వర్శిటీల్లో తిష్టవేసిన కొంతమంది ప్రొఫెసర్లు…, ఈ ప్రొఫెసర్లను అపార మేధావులుగా ప్రమోట్ చేస్తూ వారికి ఫెలోషిప్పులు పడేసే సోకాల్డ్ ఎన్జీవో సంఘాలు, వారికి వంతపాడే కొన్ని చానెళ్లు…, పత్రికలు, పబ్లిషర్లు, ఇదంతా ఓ చైన్ సిస్టమ్ లా మన దేశంలో పెనవేసుకుపోయిందనే భావన కలుగుతోంది.

ఇప్పటికే మన దేశంలో ఆఫ్రో దళిత్ ప్రాజెక్ట్ పేరుతో మిషనరీ ఎన్జీవోలు కోట్లాది రూపాయలు ఖర్చు చేశాయని తెలుస్తోంది. ఇప్పుడు విదేశాల్లో క్రమంగా చర్చికి వెళ్తున్నవారి సంఖ్య రోజు రోజుకి తగ్గిపోతూనే ఉంది. దాంతో పాటు చాలా మంది పాశ్చాత్య మేధావులు సైతం హిందూ ఆలోచన విధానానికి ఆకర్షితులు అవుతున్నారు. ఇది మిషనరీలకు మింగుడుపడని అంశం..! దాంతో క్రైస్తవ మిషనరీలు…, ఈ మధ్య కాలంలో చేపట్టిన చర్యలు చూస్తుంటే మొత్తం హిందూ ధార్మిక జీవన విధానాన్నే పెకిలించి వేసేలా కుట్రలు మొదలు పెట్టాయనిపిస్తోంది. ఇలాంటి కుట్రలకు మన దేశంలోని మార్క్స్, మెకాలేవాద మేధావులతోపాటు, వర్శిటీల్లో తిష్టవేసిన కొంతమంది ప్రొఫెసర్లను వాడుకుంటున్నారనే అనుమానాలు ఉన్నాయి. వారి రచనలను స్పాన్సర్డ్ చేయడం చూస్తూంటే ఇలాంటి డౌట్ రావడం సహజం. అలాంటి మిషనరీల స్పానర్డ్ రచయితల్లో కంచె ఐలయ్య కూడా ఒకడిగా అనుమానించాల్సి వస్తోంది.

దళిత్ ఫ్రీడం నెట్ వర్క్ (డీ.ఎఫ్.యన్, D.F.N,’Dalit Freedom Network‘)

ఇది అమెరికాలో కొలొరాడో నుంచి పనిచేసే సంస్థ. దీన్ని భారతీయ దళితుల పక్షాన పోరడటానికి , అమెరికా అధికార కేంద్రాల విధాన నిర్ణయాలు ఏర్పడటానికీ నడిపే సంస్థలకు దీన్ని ఉదాహరణగా పేర్కొనవచ్చు! ఆలిండియా క్రిస్టియన్ కౌన్సిల్ అధిపతి డాక్టర్ జోసెఫ్ డిసౌజా దీనిని 2002లో స్థాపించారు. ఇందులో ట్రెంట్ ఫ్రాంక్స్ అనే మాజీ అమెరికా కాంగ్రెస్ సభ్యుడు , ఇంకొకరు మూడీ బైబిల్ ఇనిస్టిట్యూట్ ఉపాధ్యక్షుడు, అలాగే క్రిస్టియన్ రాక్ గ్రూప్ కాడ్ మాన్స్ కాల్ కు చెందిన లాడ్ సింగర్. ఈ బృందం పాడే ఒక పాట మదర్ ఇండియా…, బైబిల్ లో చెప్పిన ఈడెన్ ఉద్యానవనంలోని సర్పం భారతదేశంలోని కష్టాలకు కారణమని చెబుతుంది. ఇంకా చాలా మందే ఉన్నారు. వీరంతా క్రైస్తవ మిషనరీ నెట్ వర్క్ లో పనిచేసేవారే..!

(భారతదేశాన్ని విచ్ఛిన్నం చేసే ప్రయత్నాలు. పేజీ 157-175).

Reference: Breaking India – Western Interventions in Dravidian and Dalit Faultlines – A book by Rajiv Malhotra & Aravindan Neelakandan (Pg: 225-229; Pg: 267).

దళిత్ ఫ్రీడం నెట్ వర్క్ చేసే పనులు చాలానే ఉన్నాయి. వాటిలో ఒకటి దళిత కార్డును ఉపయోగించుకుని క్రైస్తవ మతం ప్రచారం చేయడం. ఇంకా సేవ చేసే ముసుగులో ఎన్జీవోలను ఏర్పాటు చేయడం…వాటి ద్వారా దేశంలోని వివిధ రంగాల్లో ప్రవేశించడం. మిషనరీల కుట్రలకు అనుబంధంగానే…కంచె ఐలయ్య పని చేస్తున్నారా అనే అనుమానాలు కలుగుతాయి. మొదట్లో ఆయన నేను హిందువునెట్లయిత? (‘Why I Am Not a Hindu’) అనే పుస్తకాన్ని ఆంగ్లంలో రాశాడు. ఆ తర్వాత దాన్ని తెలుగులో అనువాదం చేశారు. ఈ పుస్తకానికి విదేశీ నిధులతో నడిచే ఎన్జీవో సంఘాలు, ఇంకా వర్శిటీల్లోని కొంతమంది ప్రొఫెసర్లు పనిగట్టుకుని ప్రచారం కల్పించారు. దళిత్ ఫ్రీడం నెట్ వర్క్ (DFN) అయితే తన పరపతిని ఉపయోగించి ఐలయ్య రాసిన ఈ పుస్తకానికి అమెరికాలోని చాలా విశ్వవిద్యాలయాల్లో పాఠ్యగ్రంథం చేసింది. అంతేకాదు పోస్ట్ డాక్టోరల్ ఫెలోషిప్ ను కూడా ప్రదానం చేసింది. ఇంకా “క్రిస్టియన్ టుడే” అనే పత్రిక అయితే కంచె ఐలయ్య ను గొప్పమేధావంటూ ప్రపంచానికి చాటింది.       (A Critical Review of the book by Shri M. V. R. Sastry can be read here).

టెక్సాస్ లోని క్రైస్తవ సంస్థ గాస్ఫెల్ ఫర్ ఏషియా అనే సంస్థ… ఐలయ్యను అమెరికాకు ఆహ్వానించింది. అలాగే విస్కాన్సిన్ విశ్వవిద్యాలయంలో జరిగిన సౌత్ ఏషియా కాన్ఫరెన్స్ ఆయన చేత మాట్లాడించారు. ఈ మధ్యకాలంలో ఐలయ్య మరొక పుస్తకాన్ని కూడా రాశాడు. అది “హిందూమతానంతర భారత దేశం” (‘Post-Hindu India’). హిందూ ధర్మానికి బ్రాహ్మణులకు ముడివేసి… వారి ఆచారాలను తూలనాడుతూ, అవహేళన చేస్తూ…, ఈ ప్రపంచంలో సమస్యలన్నింటికి హిందుత్వమే కారణమని తప్పుడు వాదనలు చేశాడు…ఇంకా చేస్తూనే ఉన్నాడు కూడా..!

(A Critical Review of these books by Shri MVR.Sastry can be read here at ఉన్నమాట / Unnamata).

ఇప్పుడు తాజాగా రూటు మార్చిన ఐలయ్య…బ్రాహ్మణులను వదిలి ఆర్య వైశ్యులపై పడ్డాడు. వారిని స్మగ్లర్లుగా పోల్చాడు. “సామాజిక స్మగ్లర్లు.. కొమటోళ్లు” (‘Vysyas Are Social Smugglers’) అనే పుస్తకాన్ని రాశాడు. దాంతోపాటే హిందూ జీవన విధానంలోని బీసీ, ఎస్సీ వర్గాలను దూరం చేసేందుకు పొంతనలేని కట్టుకధలు సృష్టిస్తున్నాడు. వాటిని వర్శిటీల్లోని తన అనుచర గణం చేత ప్రచారం చేయిస్తున్నాడు.

పైకి ఐలయ్య…, దళిత బహుజనవాదం పేరు చెప్పినా…ఆయన అంతర్గత అజెండా మాత్రం…, ఈ వర్గాలు అన్నింటిని క్రైస్తవానికి దగ్గరగా చేయడం, వారిని మాతంతాతీకరణ చేయడమనే కుట్ర దాగుందనిపిస్తోంది.

గతంలో ఐలయ్య తను ఒక కురుమ గొల్లగా…, యాదవ్ గా పరిచయం చేసుకునేవాడు. ఈ మధ్యకాలంలో తెరపైకి షఫర్డ్ అనే కొత్త పదం వెలుగులోకి తెచ్చాడు. గొల్ల కురుమలు అందరూ తమ పేరు చివరన షఫర్డ్ పెట్టుకోవాలని ఈయనగారు చెబుతున్నారు. షఫర్డ్ అని పాశ్చాత్య దేశాల్లో ఎవరిని పిలుస్తారో అందరికి బాగా తెలుసు..! ఎందుకంటే కంచె ఐలయ్య తన సొంత ఊళ్లో కట్టించిన ఇంగ్లీష్ మీడియం స్కూల్ పేరు కూడా గుడ్ షెఫర్డే..! గుడ్ ఫెఫర్డ్ అంటే జీసస్ క్రైస్ట్..! ఇది స్వయంగా క్రైస్తవ మిషనరీలు చెప్పేమాట..!

అంతేకాదు సరిగ్గా హిందూ పండుగల రోజున వివాదాలు సృష్టించడం వెనుక కూడా ఐలయ్య సృష్టించిన తప్పుడు వితండవాదాలే ఎక్కువగా కనిపిస్తాయి. దీవపాళి, దసరా, శరన్నవరాత్రి, గణేశ్, రామనవమి ఉత్సవాలను సైతం ఆయన వివాదాస్పదం చేశారు.దళిత్స్ వర్సెస్ హిందూ పండుగలు మార్చే ఈ కుట్రలో ఎన్జీవో సంఘాలతోపాటు కొన్ని మీడియా సంస్థలు కూడా భాగం అయ్యాయాని వాటి చర్యలను చూస్తుంటే ఇట్టే అర్థం అయిపోతుంది. హిందువుల్లోని అన్ని వర్గాల ప్రజలు కలిసి మెలసి…, సంతోషంతో పండుగలు జరుపుకునే రోజునే.. కావాలని వివాదాస్పదం చేస్తున్నారు. దాంతోపాటు ఆయన వాదనలకు వంతపాడే కొన్ని మీడియా సంస్థలు కూడా అదే రోజునే వివాదాస్పద బిజీలు, టైటిల్స్ పెడుతూ.., చర్చలు చేస్తూ హిందువుల సెంటిమెంట్ తో ఆడుకుంటున్నాయి. అంతేకాదు ఈ చర్చల్లో ప్రముఖంగా పాల్గొనేది కూడా కంచె ఐలయ్యనే..!

తనపై వస్తున్న విదేశీ క్రైస్తవ మిషనరీల ఏజెంట్ ముద్రను తొలగించుకునేందుకా అన్నట్లుగా… ఈ మధ్యకాలంలో ఆయన బౌద్ధాన్ని తెరపైకి తెస్తున్నాడు. తనకు బుద్ధుడు అంటే చాలా ఇష్టమని కూడా పలు ఇంటర్వ్యూల్లో చెబుతున్నాడు. బుద్ధభగవానుడు చెప్పిన ఏ సూత్రాన్ని కూడా ఆయన పాటించడని అనిపిస్తుంది. బుద్ధుడు దయాసముద్రుడు. సర్వ మానవాళిని సమానంగా భావించాడు. అష్టాంగ మార్గంతో కోరికలను జయించవచ్చని చెప్పాడు. అహింస, దయ, ప్రేమ, సత్యం వంటి నీతి నియమాలతో మానవుడు తనను తాను ఉద్ధరించుకోవాలని తెలిపాడు. సర్వం దుఃఖం.., సర్వం అనంతం…, సర్వం శూన్యం- అనేవి బౌద్ధమత ప్రధాన సూత్రాలు..! కానీ ఈ ఐలయ్యగారు జీవ హింసను ప్రోత్సహిస్తాడు. అందులో గోవధ, బీఫ్ ఫెస్టివల్స్ కు వంతపాడుతాడు…! ఇది ఐలయ్య అసలు నైజం.! ఇప్పటికైనా హిందూ సమాజంలోని అన్ని వర్గాల ప్రజలు ఇలాంటి వారిపట్ల అప్రమత్తంగా ఉండాలి.  (Blog Courtesy: శ్రీ వనకళ్ల బీరప్ప కురుమ).

Rajiv Malhotra’s Rejoinder to Kancha Ilaiah’s “Breaking India” Activities

From Rajiv Malhotra’s rejoinder from his Facebook LIVE broadcast Official Page:

Why did Aurangzeb Demolish the Kashi Vishvanath?

Why did Aurangzeb Demolish the Kashi Vishvanath?

  • Dr.Koenraad Elst , 2002

During the Ayodhya controversy, there were occasional statements in the Hindutva camp confirming (VHP) or denying (BJP) that apart from Ram Janmabhoomi, two other sacred sites should also be “liberated” from Islamic “occupation”: Krishna Janmabhoomi in Mathura and Kashi Vishvanath in Varanasi. Though the Hindu business community in central Varanasi has made it clear that it refuses to suffer the inevitable losses which would accompany an agitation in their densely populated neighbourhood, the liberation of Kashi Vishvanath is still on the VHP’s agenda. Therefore, some authors have tried to “do an Ayodhya” on Kashi, viz. try to make people believe that there never was a Hindu temple at the disputed site.

Syed Shahabuddin asserts that Muslims cannot possibly have destroyed any Hindu temple, because “pulling down a place of worship to construct a mosque is against the Shariat”; claims to the contrary are all “chauvinist propaganda.” Arun Shourie has confronted this claim with the information given in the official court chronicle, Maasiri Alamgiri, which records numerous orders for and reports of destructions of temples. Its entry for 2 September 1669 tells us: “News came to court that in accordance with the Emperor’s command his officers had demolished the temple of Vishvanath at Banaras” . Moreover, till today, the old Kashi Vishvanath temple wall is visible as a part of the walls of the Gyanvapi mosque which Aurangzeb had built at the site.

In the face of such direct testimony, it is wiser not to challenge facts headon. It is better to minimize or to justify them. Thus, Percival Spear, co-author (with Romila Thapar) of the prestigious Penguin History of India, writes: “Aurangzeb’s supposed intolerance is little more than a hostile legend based on isolated acts such as the erection of a mosque on a temple site in Benares.” But a perusal of the same Moghul chronicle thoroughly refutes this reassuring assertion: Aurangzeb had thousands of temples destroyed. And other chronicles, diaries and other documents concerning Muslim rulers in India prove that the practice was not a personal idiosyncrasy of Aurangzeb’s either.

Therefore, a more promising way of defusing the conflict potential which the mosque at the Kashi Vishvanath site carries, is to justify the replacement of the temple with a mosque. Maybe the owners and users of the temple had brought it on themselves? Maybe Islam can be disentangled from this act of destruction in favour of a purely secular motive?

JNU historian Prof. K.N. Panikkar offers one way out: “the destruction of the temple at Banaras also had political motives. It appears that a nexus between the sufi rebels and the pandits of the temple existed and it was primarily to smash this nexus that Aurangzeb ordered action against the temple.” The eminent historian quotes no source for this strange allegation. In those days, Pandits avoided to even talk with Mlecchas, let alone to concoct intrigues with them.

Other secularists have spread a more sophisticated variation, now regularly reproduced in the media: “Did Muslim rulers destroy temples? Some of them certainly did. Following the molestation of a local princess by some priests in a temple at Benaras, Aurangzeb ordered the total destruction of the temple and rebuilt it at a nearby site. And this is the only temple he is believed to have destroyed.” This story is now repeated ad nauseam, not only in the extremist Muslim press and in the secularist press but also in academic platforms by “eminent historians”. It is repeated with approval by historian Gargi Chakravartty, who also reveals the source of this story.

She introduces the quotation as follows: “Much has been said about Aurangzeb’s demolition order of Vishwanath temple at Banaras. But documentary evidence gives a new dimension to the whole episode:” What follows is the theory launched by B.N. Pande, working chairman of the Gandhi Darshan Samiti and former Governor of Orissa:

“The story regarding demolition of Vishvanath temple is that while Aurangzeb was passing near Varanasi on his way to Bengal, the Hindu Rajas in his retinue requested that if the halt was made for a day, their Ranis may go to Varanasi, have a dip in the Ganges and pay their homage to Lord Vishwanath. Aurangzeb readily agreed. Army pickets were posted on the five mile route to Varanasi. The Ranis made a journey on the Palkis. They took their dip in the Ganges and went to the Vishwanath temple to pay their homage. After offering Puja all the Ranis returned except one, the Maharani of Kutch.

“A thorough search was made of the temple precincts but the Rani was to be found nowhere. When Aurangzeb came to know of it, he was very much enraged. He sent his senior officers to search for the Rani. Ultimately, they found that the statue of Ganesh which was fixed in the wall was a moveable one. When the statue was moved, they saw a flight of stairs that led to the basement. To their horror, they found the missing Rani dishonoured and crying, deprived of all her ornaments. The basement was just beneath Lord Jagannath’s seat. The Rajas expressed their vociferous protests. As the crime was heinous, the Rajas demanded exemplary action. Aurangzeb ordered that as the sacred precincts have been despoiled, Lord Vishvanath may be moved to some other place, the temple be razed to the ground and the Mahant be arrested and punished.”

The story is very bizarre, to say the least. First of all, it has Aurangzeb go to Bengal. Yet, in the extant histories of his life and works, no such journey to Bengal, or even any journey as far east as Varanasi, is recorded. Some of his generals were sent on expeditions to Bengal, but not Aurangzeb himself. There are fairly complete chronicles of his doings, day by day; could B.N. Pande or any of his quoters give the date or even the year of this remarkable episode?

Neither was Aurangzeb known to surround himself with Hindu courtiers. And did these Rajas take their wives along on military expeditions? Or was it some holiday picnic? How could the Mahant kidnap a Rani who was there in the company of other Ranis, as well as the appropriate courtiers and bodyguards? Why did he take such risk? Why did the “Rajas” wait for Aurangzeb to take “exemplary action”: did they fear his anger if they punished the priests or destroyed the temple themselves? And since when is demolition the approved method of purifying a defiled temple, an eventuality for which the Shastras have laid down due ritual procedures?

One question which we can readily answer is, where did B.N. Pande get this story from? He himself writes: “Dr. Pattabhi Sitaramayya, in his famous book, The Feathers and the Stones, has narrated this fact based on documentary evidence. So, we have to go one more step back in time to find this intriguing “documentary evidence”. Let us turn to this book, now hard to find, to see what the documentary evidence is on which this whole wave of pro-Aurangzeb rumours is based, but which no one has cared to reproduce or even just specify. This is what Gandhian Congress leader Pattabhi Sitaramayya wrote in his prison diary:

“There is a popular belief that Aurangazeb was a bigot in religion. This, however, is combated by a certain school. His bigotry is illustrated by one or two instances. The building of a mosque over the site of the original Kasi Visveswara Temple is one such. A like mosque in Mathura is another. The revival of Jazia is a third but of a different order. A story is told in extenuation of the first event.

“In the height of his glory, Aurangazeb like any foreign king in a country, had in his entourage a number of Hindu nobles. They all set out one day to see the sacred temple of Benares. Amongst them was a Ranee of Cutch. When the party returned after visiting the Temple, the Ranee of Cutch was missing. They searched for her in and out, East, North, West and South but no trace of her was noticeable. At last, a more diligent search revealed a Tah Khana or an underground storey of the temple which to all appearances had only two storeys. When the passage to it was found barred, they broke open the doors and found inside the pale shadow of the Ranee bereft of her jewellery.

“It turned out that the Mahants were in the habit of picking out wealthy and bejewelled pilgrims and in guiding them to see the temple, decoying them to the underground cellar and robbing them of their jewellery. What exactly would have happened to their life one did not know. Anyhow in this case, there was no time for mischief as the search was diligent and prompt. On discovering the wickedness of the priests, Aurangazeb declared that such a scene of robbery could not be the House of God and ordered it to be forthwith demolished. And the ruins were left there.

“But the Ranee who was thus saved insisted on a Musjid being built on the ruined and to please her, one was subsequently built. That is how a Musjid has come to exist by the side of the Kasi Visweswar temple which is no temple in the real sense of the term but a humble cottage in which the marble Siva Linga is housed. Nothing is known about the Mathura Temple.

“This story of the Benares Musjid was given in a rare manuscript in Lucknow which was in the possession of a respected Mulla who had read it in the Ms. and who though he promised to look it up and give the Ms. to a friend, to whom he had narrated the story, died without fulfilling his promise. The story is little known and the prejudice, we are told, against Aurangazeb persists.”

So now, we finally know where the story comes from: an unnamed mullah friend of an unnamed acquaintance of Sitaram ayya’s knew of a manuscript, the details of which he took with him in his grave. This is the “document” on which secularist journalists and historians base their “evidence” of Aurangzeb’s fair and secularist disposition, overruling the evidence of archaeology and the cold print of the Maasiri Alamgiri, to “explode the myth” of Islamic iconoclasm spread by the “chauvinist” Hindutva propagandists. Now you just try to imagine what the secularists and their mouthpieces in Western academe would say if Hindus offered evidence of this quality.

Source

Compassion International: Why We’re Leaving India, But Still Have Hope

It is clear that Compassion International that while time is still there, they are transferring funds to other NGO’s as fast as possible. Also needs to be seen what happens to the assets they own.  Citizens must keep an eye on this.

Source

At issue here is foreign funding coming into India and being used for the purpose of conversion of Hindus to Christianity. Compassion International only works through evangelical churches (as stated in this full article), churches whose aim is conversion. The 2011 crackdown on foreign funds entering India was intended to limit those meant for conversion work, including, in the case of Compassion International, such work was done under the guise of “child development.”

This story in Christianity Today magazine reads in part:

The child development ministry confirmed today that after 48 years, its final day of operation will be March 15. That means shutting the doors of 589 Indian-staffed development centers caring for more than 145,000 children, more than any other of the 25 countries where it works.

“I feel frustrated,” president and CEO Santiago “Jimmy” Mellado told CT. That’s because Compassion has worked every angle to try to stay open in India since last February, when India’s Ministry of Home Affairs put it on a list of organizations needing prior approval before transferring funds into the country. Then the government refused to grant such approval.

The government’s move can be traced back to 2011, when it changed its Foreign Contribution Regulation Act so that it could regulate NGOs it disagrees with philosophically, Mellado said. “In the middle of all this, we were pouring significant resources into local evangelical Christian churches,” Mellado said. “You can see where we would hit the radar screen.”

More at “source” above.

See also: https://www.nytimes.com/2017/03/07/wor … harity-closing-india.html

Murder Spree in Kerala by Communists

Politically polarised media persons and ignorant souls keep on harping about intolerance and freedom of speech and try to narrate the reason for Kerala losing its peaceful atmosphere due to CPM-RSS clashes. The display of the real picture is either incomplete or distorted. Then, what is the fact? Are there really CPM-RSS clashes? Or they are the naked exhibition of CPM terror and violence against their ‘political enemies’?

Communists, that is, Marxists as per modern terminology, are always dead against other ideologies is a well known fact. World over, it is the same experience since the October Revolution which took place in Russia in the second decade of the last century. The very basic tenet of Marxism, Dictatorship of the Proletariat, espouses the authoritarian rule of the Communist party. This dictatorial euphoria leads to intolerance and hatred in the mindset of communists wherever they are. It is worse and grave wherever they get power.
In Kerala, which ever political clash we witness, CPM is a common factor on one side. It could be CPM vs Congress, CPM vs RSS, CPM vs BJP, CPM vs Kerala Congress, CPM vs (even) CPI and sometimes (one group of) CPM vs (another group of)  CPM. It proves the CPM’s intolerance towards other ideological groups and their ideologies. RSS and affiliated organisations are the worst affected ideological groups in this violent mess lashed out by the CPM.
The history of this ‘murder politics’ started during the 1940s itself, well before undivided Communist party could taste the power in Kerala political scenario.
Undivided CPI’s first significant physical attack against the RSS was in 1948 at Thiruvananthapuram.  It was significant because the attack was against an RSS Samghikh (RSS programme focused on physical exercises) addressed by the then RSS Sarsanghachalak M S Golwalkar, popularly known as Guruji. They attacked the gathering while Shri Guruji was on the dais. Veteran RSS swayamsevak P Parameswaran was the Mukhya Shikshak (main instructor). The swayamsevaks retaliated in a befitting manner. And, the young Marxists led by a student leader fled the spot. The programme went on. Guruji spoke as if nothing had happened. He did not even refer to the incident he witnessed.

Another major attack by CPI took place in 1952 on the similar gathering to be addressed by Guruji at Alappuzha. The sequence of event replicated here as well and the programme went on without much discussion on the violent attack.
CPM and the Culture of Violence
After a lull for almost a decade, CPI underwent a vertical split in 1964. Though CPI resisted from physically attacking the RSS swayamsevaks, CPM, the other group, after a few years’ of calm, took the violent route again. Next major CPM attack against RSS was in January 1969, near Shri Kerala Varma College, Thrissur. College management had invited Swami Chinmayanandaji to deliver a lecture. But, Kerala Students’ Federation (KSF), the precursor of SFI, with their CPM bosses of the area, used all sort of dirty tricks to insult and physically attack Swamiji. To avoid any physical assault on Swamiji, ABVP students encircled and guarded Swamiji and led him to the car to leave the place safely. The next day when the ABVP staged a protest rally against the CPM’s attempt to assault Swamiji, the CPM goons attacked the ABVP students. It resulted in a fierce street fight, perhaps first of that sort in the State. Thereafter, almost every year KSF and later SFI workers, with the help of CPM men outside, attacked ABVP workers in the college.

In 1969, the local workers allegedly led by Pinaryi Vijayan and Kodiyeri Balakrishnan, presently politbure (PB) members and former and present State secretary respectively, killed RSS worker Vadikkal Ramakrishnan, a sweets maker, in Thalasserry. The cold blooded murder was without any sort of provocation. After a month, they killed Sreedharan Nair, an RSS worker in Ponkunnam, Kottayam District. The same year Ramakrishnan, an RSS worker in Palakkad, was killed.
Veliyathunadu Chandran, a senior RSS worker and former Pracharak, was the next victim of the CPM attack in Parur of Ernakulam District on January 11, 1970. Mandal Karyavah Sankranarayanan was killed in Nallenkara, Thrissur District, in 1973. In 1974, CPM men killed RSS Mandal Karyavah Sudheendran in Kochi.

New Chapter after Emergency
Developments during the period of Emergency opened a new chapter in this politics of murders. Even though the aforementioned attacks were grave for RSS and affiliated organisations, CPM accepted killing spree against Sangh workers as their cup of tea in 1978, after the lifting of Emergency. During the Emergency the fight against the autocratic and dynastic rule was solely carried on by RSS and its affiliates in Kerala. Naturally, the young and the adventurist CPM men were frustrated. They could not reconcile with the compromising stand of the party leadership on Emergency. While communist leaders were not ready to take any anti-establishment stand, the RSS boys took up poster campaigns, pamphlet distributions, etc. Thousands of RSS men staged non-violent satyagraha, courted arrest and underwent inhuman police torture, which was beyond reconciliation for many communist supporters who were listening to empty rhetoric of ‘revolution’ every now and then. As a result, several of those CPM men joined the underground activities of RSS during Emergency. They turned active RSS workers after the Emergency. This phenomenon was more visible in the CPM strongholds areas like Kannur, Alappuzha and coastal Thrissur. The exodus of rank and file was the last straw on camel’s back for CPM.
The CPM leadership thought that murder of their ex-comrades who turned to the RSS would be the best deterrent to put an end to this attrition.  In September, 1978, they kicked off the killings in Thalassery, Kannur district, by murdering teen aged college student and Mukhya Shikshak Chandran of Panunda Shakha. Significantly, his father was a Local Committee Member of CPM. Thereafter, series of killings took place in Thalaserry Taluk. Most of the RSS martyrs were former CPM men or at least the family members of CPM men. When they felt that daggers and swords were not enough to suppress the RSS growth, they started manufacturing bombs. Since 1978, Several RSS men were killed in Thalassery itself. The most prominent of them were RSS Khand Karyavah Karimbil Satheeshan (1981),   BJP Kannur District secretary Pannyannoor Chandran (1986),  Bharatiya Janata Yuva Morcha State Vice President Jayakrishnan Master (killed in the class room while taking class in front of the  6th standard students), Kannur Zila Sharirik Pramukh Manoj (2014). In 1984, Kannur Zila Sahakaryavaha Sadanandan Master’s both legs were chopped off below the knees.

In 1980, Gangadharan, a young ABVP district officer bearer in Kannur, was killed in his office the day he joined the government service. The then ABVP State organising secretary KG Venugopal and the then RSS Zila Pracharak VN Gopinath told Organiser that as Gangadharan joined the duty in Survey Department, an employee informed the CPM goons and they immediately executed the killing on his chair itself. The killers even threatened the district collector against taking the body for post mortem!

The same CPM killers kept on attacking RSS men in Alappuzha District. The first among them was Gopalakrishnan (27) who was murdered on September 18, 1980. CPM killers dragged him out of a running bus and stabbed him to death. Another prominent Sangh martyr was Khand Karyavah Vishwambharan in Kuttanadu (1982). The murder of Pradeep (15), a 10th standard student, was another brutal act of CPM there.
CPM men killed several workers in Thrissur District after Emergency. Fierce attacks took place in Vadanappalli, coastal area in the district.  The attackers set fire to a house and a man was burnt to death in it.  Kodungallur Taluk Karyavah and a promising Sangh worker T Satheesan was killed in the street by CPIM workers in 1984. Former Pracharak Ayyappan was bombed to death by CPM men in Nayathodu, Ernakulam district, the same year. RSS worker Unnikrishnan was killed by CPM killers in Thrippunithura, Ernakulam District in March, 1984.

Three swayamsevaks were killed in a single incident in Murikkumpuzha, Thiruvananthapuram District in 1987. In September 1996, Anu, Sajith and Kim Karun, ABVP workers in Dewaswom Board College, Mannaar, Alappuzha district, were attacked and drowned in Pampa River.  Bimbi, an ABVP worker, was killed in Changanassery, Kottayam District in October, 1996.

Power Dynamics in Murder Politics
CPM raises its dirty and violent heads when they are in power. Naturally investigation turns into a drama. Even though they kill during Congress-led UDF (United Democratic Front), the CPM-led Left Democratic Front (LDF) comes back to power in rotation (a common practice we witness in Kerala since the last several decades). Then they get an opportunity to manipulate the cases in their favour. Even the forthright judges have to face the wrath of communists if they deliver a verdict against CPM killers.  The judge who sentenced capital punishment for the killers of Jayakarishnan Master had to face violent protests, threats which finally led to giving him the police protection.
Non-discriminatory Violence
People believe that CPM Kannur district secretary P Jayarajan was involved in the murder of RSS worker Manoj (2014). He was arrested in this regard and jailed for several weeks. Later on, he got bail; alibi was heart ailment! Now, court has instructed him not to enter Kannur District. So, CPM deploys him for election campaign throughout the State.
CPM killers do not spare Congress men or party rebels. They have killed several workers of Congress, Muslim League and even their own coalition partner CPI.  The most prominent CPM rebel killed by the “big brother” was TP Chandrasekharan from Vadagara. He was killed in a brutal manner on the night of May 2, 2012. Later on it was alleged that the vehicle used by the killers bore the Arabic prayer verses for creating an impression that the culprits were Islamic fundamentalists. This murder shook CPM gravely. Senior CPM leader and former CM VS Achuthanandan publicly denounced the murder and went to console the widow of the killed. VS’s act was attacked by the official faction of the party led by his bête noire Pinarayi Vijayan.
The latest addition in the series RSS is the shameful incident that took place in Kattayikkonam near Thiruvananthapuram. RSS Taluk Pracharak Amal Krishna was attacked with an iron tool on March 14, 2016 and his skull was seriously damaged. A fresh engineering graduate was on ventilator for several weeks together and still struggling to return to the normal life.
The aforementioned are the scenario in a nutshell. More than 200 Sangh workers have sacrificed their lives for their freedom to choose social and personal life in Kerala, mostly at the hands of CPM criminals. In Kannur alone, 78 swayamsevaks have been killed.
This clearly depicts the intolerant and violent character of CPM in Kerala and its unilateral animosity against the nationalist thinking.
RSS’s peace initiatives
Significantly, RSS has always expressed readiness to find out the avenues to put an end to this dangerous murder politics.  Sangh had taken may serious initiatives in the past in this direction.
P. Parameswaran had taken over as the director of Deendayal Research Institute, New Delhi, in mid-1977 which he continued till the last leg of 1981. Those were the high time of CPM’s fascist murder politics. The blood of innocent Sangh workers was spilled on the streets of Kerala. Sangh leaders thought of a dialogue with senior CPM leaders in this regard.  Parameswaranji got in touch with RSS Kerala Prant Pracharak K Bhaskar Rao. Accordingly Parameswaranji wrote a letter to EMS Namboodiripad who was stationed in Delhi as the general secretary of CPM. EMS replied him in positive tone.
Afterwards a telephonic conversation with Parmeswaranji, EMS proposed to have a talk with Kerala CM and PB member EK Nayanar who was scheduled to reach Delhi on one of those days. Accordingly the date and time for an RSS-Nayanar meeting at Delhi was scheduled. Ranga Hari and the then Kerala Prant Pracharak K Bhaskar Rao reached Delhi. But, some unexpected incidents took place in Delhi that day. A prominent ABVP worker of Kerala V Muraleedharan (erstwhile State BJP chief) was arrested that day in connection with CPM-RSS clashes in Thalasserry. But, ABVP central unit in Delhi got the information that it was KG Venugopal, the then Kerala state organising secretary and Sangh pracharak, who was arrested. Naturally they got agitated. They encircled the CM at Kerala House which went on for hours. Parameswaranji and RSS leaders who had reached Delhi were anxious about the dialogue. Parameswaranji phoned Nayanar.  CM’s response was warm and inspiring: “So what Parameswaran? They are after all boys. You come with your colleagues; let us have the dialogue!!”
During the initial talks Nayanar’s Cabinet colleague and Congress (S) leader PC Chacko (Congress national spokesman these days) was with the CM.  Bhaskar Rao, Parameswaranji and Ranga Hari represented RSS. Nayanar talked about the “boys’ naughtiness” in a lighter vein. Ranga Hariji told this correspondent that Nayanar said they were smart unlike Kerala boys; he kept on talking about the Delhi boys.
But Chacko in a more aggressive mood said, ABVP boys had brought daggers covered in the newspaper.  Nayanar stopped him. He said, the boys did not bring any weapon. In short, RSS leaders had a feeling that CPM did not dispute the RSS endeavour to close the chapter of violence. Both parties agreed to have the second leg of the discussion in Kerala. Hariji says, Nayanar said in his usual humorous style that he would crack the news of dialogue to the media as soon as he reaches Kerala. Hariji was assigned to fix the place for the meeting in Kochi. So, technically he was the convener of the second leg.
Once back in Kochi Hariji got in touch with a senior CPM leader operating from Kochi. Hariji told that RSS had no objection to attend the meeting in their (CPM) office; but, CPM could not even imagine it – What would their comrades think! Then RSS expressed its pleasure to host the meeting in its Kerala State RSS karyalaya.  But, CPM leader equated it with stepping on to the fire. Then both leaders decided to have the meeting in a house in Kochi acceptable to both sides. Accordingly a swayamsevak’s house was fixed; who was a businessman.
PB member P Ramamoorthy, Home Minister TK Ramakrishnan and senior leader MM Lawrence participated in the meeting from CPM’s side. Dathopanth Thengidi, Ranga  Hari and senior Sangh Pracharak P Madhavan participated from the Sangh’ side. Hariji remembers that paan had been arranged in the venue of the meeting for Ramamoorthy as Thengidiji knew about it as a labour leader. Since Lawrence and Ranga Hari were classmates during their school days, the personal rapport had helped a lot for the smooth dialogue between two organisations.
As a participant of both legs of the dialogue, Hariji remembers that both parties were very much particular to put an end to the physical attacks. During the discussion until the lunch time, proposals had come up to avoid violence. Both parties agreed to the proposal to hold the meetings of senior leaders of both sides whenever tension came up. The post lunch discussion took place in the government guest house, Ernakulam.  Hariji says that BMS leader R Venugopal (later on national working president of BMS) had come to the guest house even though he was not a participant in the discussion.
Hariji says, there was another dialogue sometime between 1984 and 1989 near Kottakkal, Malappuram District, during his regime as the Kerala Prant Pracharak. Present Leader of Opposition VS Achuthanandan had participated in that meeting. Adv. TV Ananthan (the then Prant Karyavah) and S Sethumadhavan (the then Sah-prant Pracharak) represented the Sangh. Some understandings were worked out; but again CPM violated in day light.

On November 29 or 30, 1999, a meeting took place in Justice VR Krishna Iyer’s residence in Kochi. Because, RSS was not party to it! Even though RSS (media technically says BJP) was the main victim of violence by the CPM, participants of the meeting were Congress, CPM and CPI! They decided to maintain peace in Thalassery. The very next day, Bharatiya Janata Yuva Morcha state vice president Jayakrishnan Master was brutally killed, in front of his class 6th students!

When we take glimpses of the RSS-CPM dialogue, one thing is crystal clear: RSS took the initiatives for the dialogue. Therefore, there is no room for any discussion on who launches political violence in Kerala and who tried their level best to avoid it.
Recently a new turn has entered in this dangerous game. Ariyil Shukkoor, a Muslim League worker, was killed in Kannur. Another Muslim activist Faisal was killed. Though RSS was being targeted for this by CPM, enquiries in both the cases have indicted the CPM workers.  Now, communists also avoid direct involvement of their workers and instead hire the professional killers. There is a tendency to give communal colour through tacit alliance with the Islamists in the State. Continuation of this trend can be the gravest threat to the ‘God’s Own Country’.

(An Article from Organiser. By Satisan in Kochi & Ganesh Krishnan R in Kannur http://organiser.org//Encyc/2016/5/2/Cover-Story-Kannur-Model—Killing-Fields-of–Kannur.aspx)