Author Archives: Swadhyaaya

Bhārat’s Pride : Veer Nāri Kittur Rani Chennamma

Nāri Shakti” has always played a pivotal role in Bharatiya Itihas. There have been innumerable examples of women contributors since Vedic times, whether it is for Self protection, protecting the Rashtra (nation) or for upholding Dharma, all that speak of spiritual knowledge and wisdom as well as valour and courage. To recall those great spiritual as well as mighty valiant personalities, is to worship the female form of divinity as a symbol of “Shakti”.

लक्ष्मी अहल्या चन्नम्मा रुद्रमाम्बा सुविक्रमा |
निवेदिता शारदा च प्रणम्य मातृ देवताः ॥
(Lakshmi Ahalyaa Channammaa Rudramaambaa suvikramaa
Niveditaa Shaaradaa cha praNamya maatRu devataaH)

In “ekAtmata Stotra”, this “sloka” invokes the two brave women by the same name of “Chennamma”: one was the queen – Rani of Keladi (from Sagara, Karnataka) and the other being Rani of Kittur (Belagavi District of Katnataka). The Moghul tyrant Aurangazeb, after killing the elder son of Shivaji i.e, Sambhaji went in pursuit of his second son, Raja Ram. At this time of trouble, Chennamma, the Rani of Keladi by providing refuge (protection) to Raja Ram, indirectly protected the newly arisen kingdom of Shivaji and she with her power of army retaliated against the Mughals.

Chennamma, the Rani of Kittur, a province in Karnataka, picked up a fierce fight with the British forces in order to foil their desire to grab Kittur after the untimely death of her husband. The Britishers were forced to enter into a peace-treaty with Chennamma. Later the English captured Chennamma, by deception, and kept her as prisoner in the Bailhongal Fort.

Like the Rani of Jhansi, both these Ranis sacrificed their lives for the sake of Independence of India.

(Picture Courtesy: HinduHistory.com)

Kittur Rani Chennamma (23 October 1778 – 21 February 1829) led armed rebellion against the British forces in the year 1824, when not many rulers were familiar with the evil designs of the British through their British East India Company.

Chennamma was born in Kakati, a small village (in today’s Belagavi district of Karnataka) in the year 1778 that is almost 56 years earlier than Rani Lakshmi Bai of Jhansi. From a very young age she received training in horse riding, sword fighting and archery. She was well known for her brave acts across her town. She was married to Mallasarja Desai, ruler of Kittur at the age of 15. Her married life seemed to be a sad tale after her husband died in 1816. With this marriage she had only one son, but fate seemed to play a tragic game in her life. Her son breathed his last in 1824, leaving the lonely soul to fight against the British rule. After his death, his son Shivalingarudra Sarja who had no children adopted a boy, Shivalingappa who was his relative. Shivalingrudra died prematurely and Chennamma ruled as the regent (a person appointed to administer a state because the ruler is a minor, is absent or is incapacitated). After the death of her son, she adopted another child, Shivalingappa, and made him heir to the throne. However, the British East India Company did not accept this under the “Doctrine of Lapse”, a policy of annexation devised by the British East India Company.

Queen Chennamma during the British rule

The “Doctrine of Lapse” was an annexation policy imposed on native states by the British, devised by Dalhousie, who was the Governor General for the East India Company in India between 1848 and 1856. Under this declaration, native rulers were not allowed to adopt a child if they had no children of their own. Their territory formed part of the British Empire automatically (would automatically be annexed if the ruler was either ‘manifestly incompetent or died without a male heir’). The state of Kittur came under the administration of Dharwad collectorate under The East India company’s collector and political agent, Mr. St. John Thackeray. Mr. Chaplin was the commissioner of the region. Both did not recognize the new ruler and the regent, and informed that Kittur had to accept the British regime. Thackeray wished to capture Kittur to expand the British Empire. He was a clever strategist and refused to recognise the adoption as legal according to the “Doctrine of Lapse” imposed on all the states by the British. He sent his people to oversee the affairs of the kingdom and wished to take over the entire kingdom and its treasury. Both the local people and Rani Chennamma opposed strongly British high handedness. Thackeray invaded Kittur. In the battle, hundreds of British soldiers along with Thackeray were killed by the Kitturu forces. Amatur Balappa, Chennamma’s lieutenant, was responsible for his death and the losses to the British forces. Two British officers, Sir Walter Elliot and Mr. Stevenson, were also taken as hostages. Rani Chennamma released them after a promise from the British that the war would end.

(Picture Courtesy: Essay on Doctrine of Lapse)

War against the British

The humiliation of defeat at the hands of a small ruler was too much for the British to swallow. The British cheated her and re-started the war. This time, the British officer Chaplin actually continued the war with more forces. They brought in bigger armies from Mysore and Sholapur and surrounded Kittur. Chennamma tried her best to avoid war; she negotiated with Chaplin and Governor of Bombay Presidency under whose regime Kittur fell. It had no effect. Chennamma was compelled to declare war.

Rani Chennamma fought the second battle fiercely with the aid of her lieutenant Sangoli Rayanna and Gurusiddappa. During this second round of war, the Sub-collector of Sholapur, Mr. Munrow, nephew of Sir Thomas Munro, was also killed. For 12 days, Chennamma and her soldiers relentlessly defended their fort, but yet again, Chennamma was made prey to deceit –as is the common trait, the traitors sneaked in and mixed mud and dung in the gunpowder in the canons. Two soldiers of her own army, Mallappa Shetty and Vankata Rao, betrayed Chennamma by mixing mud and cow dung with the gunpowder used for the canons. Ultimately, Kittur Chennamma and her forces were outnumbered by the large strength of the British forces. Rani Chennamma was defeated in her last battle and captured by the British, who imprisoned her at the Bailhongal Fort for life, where she passed away on 21 February 1829.

She spent her days reading holy texts and performing pooja till her death in 1829 CE. Kittur Rani Chennamma could not win the war against British, but she etched her presence for many centuries in the world of history. Along with Onake Obavva, Abbakka Rani and Keladi Chennamma, she is much revered in Karnataka as an icon of bravery. Chennamma became a legend. During the freedom movement, her brave resistance to British formed theme of plays, songs, and song stories. Folk songs or “Lavani” were a legion and freedom struggle got a good boost through singing bards who moved throughout the region. (Lavani are the traditional folk songs and the dance format Tamasha contains the dancer (Tamasha Bai), the helping dancer – Maavshi, The Drummer – Dholki vaala & The Flute Boy – Baasuri Vaala).

It is heartening that a statue of Kittur Chennamma was installed in the Parliamentary Building premises at New Delhi on 11th September 2007. However, limiting ourselves to only garlanding the statues will not suffice. The immense contributions of these great warriors to our Freedom Struggle have to be taught to children at homes as well as in schools as part of the school curriculum. Every year Kittur Rani Chennamma’s jayanti has to be celebrated as in “Kittur Utsav”, where skits, elocution and debates have to be conducted depicting the great warrior queen’s life and personality, and showcasing the queen’s grit and determination in fighting the enemy. This will increase the self-confidence in children, as well as inculcate a sense of pride towards the nation, to achieve ultimate glory of our motherland, Bhārat.

References & Acknowledgement:

  1. Heroes of Freedom Struggle – Rani Chennamma of Kitturu – By Dr. Nanditha Krishna
  2. Rani Chennamma – posted in hinduhistory.info by Ranbir Singh
  3. Essay on Doctrine of Lapse by Mamta Aggarwal (historydiscussion.net).
  4. Rani Kittur Chennamma: India’s Valiant Freedom Fighter – By Shagun Gupta
  5. Rani Chennamma of Kittur – (www.indianscriptures.com)
  6. Kittur Rani Chennamma – One of India’s first warrior queens – by Prateeksha Nayak
  7. Kittur Rani Chennamma : Earliest ruler to fight British rule – posted in http://www.hindujagruti.org
  8. Rani Chennamma Statue at Parliament – published in The Hindu daily.
  9. Heroes of Civilization : Shakti – posted in www.AriseBharat.com

 

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ವೀರನಾರಿ ಕಿತ್ತೂರು ರಾಣಿ ಚನ್ನಮ್ಮ

(ಬ್ರಿಟಿಷರ ವಿರುದ್ಧ ಗೆಲುವಿನ ನೆನಪಿಗಾಗಿ ಪ್ರತಿವರ್ಷ ಅ.23ರಿಂದ 25ರವರೆಗೆ ಆಚರಿಸು ವುದೇ ಕಿತ್ತೂರು ಉತ್ಸವ.)

ಬ್ರಿಟಿಷರ ವಿರುದ್ಧದ ಹೋರಾಟದಲ್ಲಿ ಬೆಳಗುವ ಹೆಸರುಗಳಲ್ಲಿ ಕಿತ್ತೂರು ರಾಣಿ ಚನ್ನಮ್ಮಳದು ಮುಂಚೂಣಿಯಲ್ಲಿದೆ. ಆದರೆ ಅವಳು ಆಳಿದ ನೆಲ ಇಂದು ದುಸ್ಥಿತಿಯಲ್ಲಿದೆ; ಕೋಟೆ ಕುಸಿಯುತ್ತಿದೆ. ಕಿತ್ತೂರಿನ ಸಮಗ್ರ ಇತಿಹಾಸ ಸಾರುವ ಸಾಹಿತ್ಯವೂ ರಚನೆಯಾಗಿಲ್ಲ. ಹೀಗಿರುವಾಗ ಮುಂದಿನ ಪೀಳಿಗೆ ಇತಿಹಾಸದಿಂದ ಪ್ರೇರಣೆ ಪಡೆಯುವುದಾದರೂ ಹೇಗೆ?

ಭಾರತದ ಪ್ರಥಮ ಸ್ವಾತಂತ್ರ್ಯ ಸಂಗ್ರಾಮದ ಬಗ್ಗೆ-1857ರಲ್ಲಿ ನಡೆದದ್ದು- ಇಡೀ ದೇಶಕ್ಕೇ ಗೊತ್ತು. ಆದರೆ, ಅದಕ್ಕೂ 33 ವರ್ಷಗಳ ಮೊದಲೇ ಅಂದರೆ 1824ರಲ್ಲೇ ನಮ್ಮ ನಾಡಿನ ಐತಿಹಾಸಿಕ ನೆಲ ಕಿತ್ತೂರಿನಲ್ಲಿ ಬ್ರಿಟಿಷರ ವಿರುದ್ಧ ಹೋರಾಟ ನಡೆದಿತ್ತು. ವೀರರಾಣಿ ಚನ್ನಮ್ಮ ಬ್ರಿಟಿಷರನ್ನು ಸದೆಬಡಿದು ವಿಜಯದ ಕಹಳೆ ಮೊಳಗಿಸಿದ್ದಳು. ಆದರೆ, ಈ ಭವ್ಯ ಇತಿಹಾಸ ದೇಶವಾಸಿಗಳ ಗಮನಕ್ಕೆ ಅಷ್ಟಾಗಿ ಬಂದಿಲ್ಲವೆನ್ನುವುದು ಖೇದದ ಸಂಗತಿಯೇ ಸರಿ. ಇನ್ನೊಂದೆಡೆ, ಪ್ರತಿವರ್ಷ ರಾಜ್ಯ ಸರ್ಕಾರ ಆಚರಿಸುವ ಕಿತ್ತೂರು ಉತ್ಸವ ರಾಜ್ಯಮಟ್ಟದ ಉತ್ಸವವಾಗಿ ರೂಪ ಪಡೆಯುತ್ತಿಲ್ಲ. ಹೋರಾಟದ ಕೆಚ್ಚೆದೆಯನ್ನೇ ಉಸಿರಾಗಿಸಿಕೊಂಡು ಬೆಳೆದ ಊರು ಕಿತ್ತೂರು. ಇದರ ಮೂಲ ಹೆಸರು ಗೀಜಗನಹಳ್ಳಿ. ಈ ಸಣ್ಣ ಊರು ಪ್ರಸಿದ್ಧವಾಗಲು ಕಾರಣ ರಾಣಿ ಚನ್ನಮ್ಮ. ಕಿತ್ತೂರಲ್ಲಿರುವ ಸ್ಮಾರಕಗಳು, ಐತಿಹಾಸಿಕ ಪಳೆಯುಳಿಕೆಗಳು ಹಾಗೂ ವಸ್ತುಗಳು ಒಂದೊಂದೂ ರೋಚಕ ಕಥೆಯನ್ನು ಪಿಸುಗುಡುತ್ತವೆ. ಆದರೆ, ಪ್ರೇರಣಾದಾಯಿಅಧ್ಯಾಯದ ಸ್ಥಳಗಳು ನಿರ್ಲಕ್ಷ್ಯಕ್ಕೆ ಒಳಗಾಗಿ ಜನರ ಗಮನಕ್ಕೆ ಬರುತ್ತಿಲ್ಲ.

ಕಿತ್ತೂರು ಉತ್ಸವ ಆಚರಣೆ ಏಕೆ?

ಭಾರತವನ್ನು ತಮ್ಮ ಕಪಿಮುಷ್ಟಿಯಲ್ಲಿ ಇಟ್ಟುಕೊಳ್ಳಬೇಕೆಂಬ ಕಾರಣಕ್ಕೆ ಬ್ರಿಟಿಷರು ಒಂದೊಂದೇ ಸಂಸ್ಥಾನಗಳ ಮೇಲೆ ದಬ್ಬಾಳಿಕೆ ಹಾಗೂ ಯುದ್ಧ ಮಾಡುತ್ತ ಸಾಗಿದ್ದರು. ಬ್ರಿಟಿಷ್ ಅಧಿಕಾರಿ ಧಾರವಾಡದ ಥ್ಯಾಕರೆ 1824ರ ಅ.23ರಂದು ಕಿತ್ತೂರಿನ ಕೋಟೆಯ ಬಾಗಿಲು ತೆರೆಯಲು ಆಜ್ಞೆ ಮಾಡಿದನು. ಬಾಗಿಲನ್ನು ತೆರೆಯದೆ ಇದ್ದಾಗ ಕೋಟೆಯ ಬಾಗಿಲು ಒಡೆಯುವಂತೆ ಹೇಳಿದನು. ಕೊನೆಗೆ ಯುದ್ಧವನ್ನೂ ಸಾರಿದನು. ಈ ಯುದ್ಧದಲ್ಲಿ ಪತಿ ಮರಣವನ್ನಪ್ಪಿದರೂ ಹೆದರದೆ ಮುನ್ನುಗ್ಗಿದ ಚನ್ನಮ್ಮ ಪರಾಕ್ರಮ ಮೆರೆಯುತ್ತಾಳೆ. ತನ್ನ ಬಲಗೈ ಬಂಟರಾದ ಸಂಗೊಳ್ಳಿ ರಾಯಣ್ಣ ಹಾಗೂ ಅಮಟೂರು ಬಾಳಪ್ಪ ಸೈನ್ಯದೊಂದಿಗೆ ಯುದ್ಧಕ್ಕೆ ಇಳಿಯುತ್ತಾಳೆ. ಮಹಾನವಮಿ ಯಂದು ಬ್ರಿಟಿಷ್ ಕಲೆಕ್ಟರ್ ಥ್ಯಾಕರೆ ಸಾಹೇಬನ ರುಂಡ ಚೆಂಡಾಡಿ ಜಯ ಸಾಧಿಸು ತ್ತಾಳೆ. ಬ್ರಿಟಿಷರ ವಿರುದ್ಧ ಗೆಲುವಿನ ನೆನಪಿಗಾಗಿ ಪ್ರತಿವರ್ಷ ಅ.23ರಿಂದ 25ರವರೆಗೆ ಆಚರಿಸು ವುದೇ ಕಿತ್ತೂರು ಉತ್ಸವ. ಈ ಉತ್ಸವದ ಮೂಲಕ ಕಿತ್ತೂರು ಸಂಸ್ಥಾನದ ಸಮಗ್ರ ಇತಿಹಾಸವನ್ನು ಯುವಕರಿಗೆ ಪರಿಚಯಿಸುವ ಸಲುವಾಗಿ 1967ರಲ್ಲಿ ದಿ.ಪ್ರೊ.ವಿ.ಜಿ.ಮಾರಿಹಾಳ ಮಾರ್ಗದರ್ಶನದಲ್ಲಿ ಈರಣ್ಣ ಮಾರಿಹಾಳ ವೀರರಾಣಿ ಚನ್ನಮ್ಮ ಯುವಕ ಸಂಘ ಹುಟ್ಟು ಹಾಕಿದರು. ಸರ್ಕಾರದ ಸಹಾಯಕ್ಕೆ ಕೈಯೊಡ್ಡದೆ ಯುವಕ ಸಂಘಗಳ ದೇಣಿಗೆಯಲ್ಲೇ ಉತ್ಸವ ಆಚರಿಸತೊಡಗಿದರು. 1982 ರಲ್ಲಿ ದಿ.ಚನ್ನಪ್ಪ ಮಾರಿಹಾಳ ಅಧ್ಯಕ್ಷತೆಯಲ್ಲಿ ಚನ್ನಮ್ಮ ವಿಜಯೋತ್ಸವ ಕಮಿಟಿ ರಚಿಸಲಾಯಿತು. ಈ ಕಮಿಟಿ 1996 ರವರೆಗೆ ವಿಜಯೋತ್ಸವ ಆಚರಿಸಿತು. 1997 ರಿಂದ ಸರ್ಕಾರದ ವತಿಯಿಂದ ಕಿತ್ತೂರು ಉತ್ಸವವನ್ನು ಆಚರಿಸಲಾಗುತ್ತಿದೆ.

ಚನ್ನಮ್ಮನ ಖಡ್ಗ ವಾಪಸ್ ಬರುವುದೇ?

ಕಿತ್ತೂರು ರಾಣಿ ಚನ್ನಮ್ಮ ಎಂದಕೂಡಲೇ ಕುದುರೆ ಏರಿ, ಖಡ್ಗ ಝುಳಪಿಸುವ ಚಿತ್ರ ಕಣ್ಮುಂದೆ ಬರುತ್ತದೆ. ಈ ವೀರನಾರಿ ಬ್ರಿಟಿಷರ ರುಂಡ ಚೆಂಡಾಡುವ ವೇಳೆ ಹಿಡಿದ ಖಡ್ಗವನ್ನು ನೋಡುವ ಅವಕಾಶ ನಾಡಿನ ಜನರಿಗೆ ಸಿಕ್ಕಿಲ್ಲ. ಕಿತ್ತೂರು ಸಂಸ್ಥಾನದ ಅರಸರು ಬ್ರಿಟಿಷ್ ಅಧಿಕಾರಿಗಳೊಂದಿಗೆ ಪತ್ರ ವ್ಯವಹಾರ ನಡೆಸಿದ ದಾಖಲೆಗಳು ಇಂದಿಗೂ ಲಂಡನ್​ನ ಭಾರತ ಕಚೇರಿಯ ಪತ್ರಾಗಾರ (ಇಂಡಿಯಾ ಆಫೀಸ್, ಲಂಡನ್)ದಲ್ಲಿ ಸುರಕ್ಷಿತವಾಗಿ ಕಾದಿಡಲ್ಪಟ್ಟಿವೆ. ಇವು ಕಿತ್ತೂರಿನ ಇತಿಹಾಸ ಹಾಗೂ 1824ರ ಯುದ್ಧದ ಬಗ್ಗೆ ಉಪಲಬ್ಧವಿರುವ ಮಹತ್ವದ ದಾಖಲೆಯಾಗಿವೆ. ಈಗ ಕಿತ್ತೂರನ್ನು ಪ್ರತಿನಿಧಿಸುವ ಉತ್ತರ ಕನ್ನಡ ಲೋಕಸಭಾ ಕ್ಷೇತ್ರದ ಸದಸ್ಯ ಅನಂತಕುಮಾರ ಹೆಗಡೆ ಕೇಂದ್ರ ಸಚಿವರಾಗಿದ್ದು, ವಿದೇಶಾಂಗ ಸಚಿವರೊಂದಿಗೆ ರ್ಚಚಿಸಿ ಖಡ್ಗ ಮತ್ತು ಇತರ ಯುದ್ಧದ ವಸ್ತುಗಳನ್ನು ಮರಳಿ ತಾಯ್ನಾಡಿಗೆ ತರುವ ನಿಟ್ಟಿನಲ್ಲಿ ಕ್ರಮ ಕೈಗೊಳ್ಳುವರೇ? ಈ ಬಾರಿಯ ಕಿತ್ತೂರು ಉತ್ಸವದ ಉದ್ಘಾಟನಾ ಸಮಾರಂಭದಲ್ಲಿ ಈ ವಿಚಾರವಾಗಿ ನಿರ್ಧಾರ ಪ್ರಕಟಿಸುವರೇ ಎಂಬುದು ಚನ್ನಮ್ಮನ ಅಭಿಮಾನಿಗಳ ಕಾತರವಾಗಿದೆ. ದೇಶಾದ್ಯಂತ ಚನ್ನಮ್ಮ ಜಯಂತ್ಯುತ್ಸವ ಆಚರಿಸುವ ಜತೆಗೆ ಲಂಡನ್​ನಲ್ಲಿರುವ ಕಿತ್ತೂರು ಚನ್ನಮ್ಮನ ಖಡ್ಗವನ್ನು ಬೇಗ ಭಾರತಕ್ಕೆ ತರಲು ಕೇಂದ್ರ ಸರ್ಕಾರ ಕ್ರಮ ಕೈಗೊಳ್ಳಬೇಕೆಂದು ಕೂಡಲಸಂಗಮ ಪಂಚಮಸಾಲಿ ಪೀಠದ ಬಸವಜಯ ಮೃತ್ಯುಂಜಯ ಸ್ವಾಮೀಜಿ ಕೂಡ ಆಗ್ರಹಿಸಿದ್ದಾರೆ.

ಬೆಳಕು ವ್ಯವಸ್ಥೆ ಇಲ್ಲ

ಕಿತ್ತೂರು ಇತಿಹಾಸವನ್ನು ಸಂಗೀತ ಹಾಗೂ ವಿದ್ಯುತ್ ದೀಪಗಳೊಂದಿಗೆ ಪರಿಚಯಿಸುವ ನಿಟ್ಟಿನಲ್ಲಿ ಆರಂಭಿಸಿದ್ದ ಧ್ವನಿ ಮತ್ತು ಬೆಳಕು ಪ್ರದರ್ಶನ ಉತ್ಸವಕ್ಕೆ ಮಾತ್ರ ಸೀಮಿತವಾಗಿದೆ. ಈ ವ್ಯವಸ್ಥೆಗಾಗಿ ಸರ್ಕಾರ 2.80 ಕೋಟಿ ರೂ. ಖರ್ಚು ಮಾಡಿದೆ. ಇನ್ನುಂದೆ ವಾರದಲ್ಲಿ ಎರಡು ಬಾರಿ ಧ್ವನಿ ಮತ್ತು ಬೆಳಕು ಪ್ರದರ್ಶನ ಆಯೋಜಿಸಲಾಗುವುದು ಎಂದು ಕಳೆದ ಬಾರಿ ಉತ್ಸವದ ವೇಳೆ ಜಿಲ್ಲಾಡಳಿತ ನೀಡಿದ್ದ ಭರವಸೆ ಈಡೇರಿಲ್ಲ.

ದುಸ್ಥಿತಿಯಲ್ಲಿ ಕಿತ್ತೂರು ಕೋಟೆ

ಚನ್ನಮ್ಮನ ಇತಿಹಾಸ ಸಾರಬೇಕಿದ್ದ ಕೋಟೆ ಕಳಚಿ ಬೀಳುತ್ತಿದೆ. ಕಿತ್ತೂರಿನ ಇತಿಹಾಸಕ್ಕೆ ಸಂಬಂಧಿಸಿ ರಾಣಿ ಚನ್ನಮ್ಮ ಮತ್ತು ಬೆನ್ನಿಗೆ ನಿಂತ ವೀರಕಲಿಗಳ ಸ್ಮಾರಕಗಳು ಮುಂದಿನ ಪೀಳಿಗೆಗೆ ಸ್ಪೂರ್ತಿಯಾಗುವ ನಿಟ್ಟಿನಲ್ಲಿ ಇಲ್ಲಿ ಯಾವುದೇ ಕೆಲಸಗಳು ಆಗಿಲ್ಲ. ಕೋಟೆಯಲ್ಲಿರುವ ದರ್ಬಾರ್ ಹಾಲ್, ಮದ್ದುಗುಂಡುಗಳ ಸಂಗ್ರಹಾಗಾರ, ಬತೇರಿ, ಅರಮನೆಯ ಮುಖ್ಯದ್ವಾರ, ಅತಿಥಿ ಕೋಣೆಗಳು, ಸಭಾಗೃಹ, ಭೋಜನಾಲಯ, ಪೂಜಾ ಕೊಠಡಿ, ಬಾವಿಗಳು, ಸ್ನಾನದ ಮನೆಗಳು ಮುಂತಾದವು ಅವಸಾನದಂಚಿಗೆ ತಲುಪಿವೆ.

ಚನ್ನಮ್ಮನ ಇತಿಹಾಸ

1585-1824ರ ಅವಧಿಯಲ್ಲಿ ಕಿತ್ತೂರು ಸಂಸ್ಥಾನ ಆಳಿದ ಪ್ರಮುಖ 12 ದೇಸಾಯರಲ್ಲಿ ಕಾಕತಿಯ ದೇಸಾಯಿ ದೂಳಪ್ಪಗೌಡ-ಪದ್ಮಾವತಿಯವರ ಏಕಮಾತ್ರ ಪುತ್ರಿ ಚನ್ನಮ್ಮ ಒಬ್ಬಳು. ಬ್ರಿಟಿಷರದ್ದು ಒಡೆದು ಆಳುವ ನೀತಿ. ಈ ಕುತಂತ್ರಕ್ಕೆ ಟಿಪ್ಪು ಹಾಗೂ ಪೇಶ್ವೆಯಂಥ ರಾಜರು ಬಲಿಯಾಗಿದ್ದರು. ಇದು ದೇಶಾಭಿಮಾನಿ ಮಲ್ಲಸರ್ಜನ ಕಳವಳಕ್ಕೆ ಕಾರಣವಾಗಿತ್ತು. ಹಾಗಾಗಿ, ಕೊಲ್ಲಾಪುರದ ದೇಸಾಯರು ಒಳಗೊಂಡಂತೆ ದಕ್ಷಿಣದ ದೇಸಾಯರನ್ನು ಒಗ್ಗೂಡಿಸುವ ಪ್ರಯತ್ನವಾಗಿ ಊರೂರು ಅಲೆದ. ಒಮ್ಮೆ ಕಾಕತಿಗೂ ಬಂದ. ಕಾಕತಿಯಲ್ಲಿ ಹುಲಿಬೇಟೆ ಸಂದರ್ಭ ಮಲ್ಲಸರ್ಜನೊಂದಿಗೆ ಚನ್ನಮ್ಮನ ಭೇಟಿಯಾಯಿತು. ನಂತರ ಇಬ್ಬರ ವಿವಾಹವಾಯಿತು ಎಂದು ಲೇಖಕ ಯ.ರು.ಪಾಟೀಲ ತಮ್ಮ ಕೃತಿಯಲ್ಲಿ ವಿವರಿಸಿದ್ದಾರೆ.

ಟಿಪ್ಪು ಸುಲ್ತಾನನ ಸಮಕಾಲೀನ ಮಲ್ಲಸರ್ಜನು 1782 ರಲ್ಲಿ ಸಿಂಹಾಸನವೇರಿದ. ಆತ ಸಾಹಸಿ ಮತ್ತು ಸಮರ್ಥ ಆಡಳಿತಗಾರನಾಗಿದ್ದ. ದೇಸಾಯಿಣಿ ಚನ್ನಮ್ಮನೊಂದಿಗೆ ಸುಖದಿಂದ ರಾಜ್ಯವಾಳಿ 1816ರಲ್ಲಿ ತೀರಿಕೊಂಡ. ಆಗ ಹಿರಿಯ ದೇಸಾಯಿಣಿ ರುದ್ರಮ್ಮಳ ಮಗ ಶಿವಲಿಂಗಸರ್ಜನಿಗೆ ಆಡಳಿತ ನೀಡಲಾಯಿತು. ಆದರೆ, ರೋಗ ಪೀಡಿತನಾದ ಈತನೂ ಮೃತಪಟ್ಟ. ಆಗ ದತ್ತಕ ತೆಗೆದುಕೊಳ್ಳಲು ಹೊರಟಾಗ ಬ್ರಿಟಿಷ್ ಸರ್ಕಾರ ಒಪ್ಪಿಗೆ ನೀಡಲಿಲ್ಲ. ಈ ಕುಂಟುನೆಪದೊಂದಿಗೆ ಬ್ರಿಟಿಷರು ಕಿತ್ತೂರು ಸಂಸ್ಥಾನವನ್ನು ಅಧೀನಪಡಿಸಿಕೊಳ್ಳುವ ಹೊಂಚು ಹಾಕಿದರು. ಇದನ್ನು ರಾಣಿ ಚನ್ನಮ್ಮ ವಿರೋಧಿಸಿದಳು.

ಶಿವಲಿಂಗಸರ್ಜನ ಮರಣದ ನಂತರ ಆಗಿನ ಧಾರವಾಡದ ಕಲೆಕ್ಟರ್ ಥ್ಯಾಕರೆ ಕಿತ್ತೂರಿಗೆ ಬಂದು ರಾಜಭಂಡಾರಕ್ಕೆ ಬೀಗ ಹಾಕಿ ತನ್ನ ಅಧಿಕಾರಿಗಳನ್ನು ನೇಮಕ ಮಾಡಿದ. ಈ ಕ್ರಮ ಚನ್ನಮ್ಮನಿಗೆ ಸರಿ ಅನಿಸದೆ ಥ್ಯಾಕರೆ ವಿರುದ್ಧ ಯುದ್ಧ ಸಾರಿದಳು. ಆದರೆ, ಸಂಧಾನ ಬಾಗಿಲು ತೆರೆದಿತ್ತು. ಮಾತುಕತೆ ನೆಪದಲ್ಲಿ ಥ್ಯಾಕರೆ ಹೊರಬಂದ. ಆಗ ಕಿತ್ತೂರ ಕೋಟೆ ಬಾಗಿಲು ಮುಚ್ಚಿತು. ಬಾಗಿಲು ತೆರೆಯಲು ನೀಡಿದ ಆದೇಶ ವಿಫಲವಾಯಿತು. ಆಗ ಚನ್ನಮ್ಮನ ಆದೇಶದಂತೆ ಅಮಟೂರ ಬಾಳಪ್ಪ ಗುಂಡುಹಾರಿಸಿದ್ದೇ ತಡ, ಥ್ಯಾಕರೆ ಹೆಣ ಕೆಳಗೆ ಬಿತ್ತು. ನಂತರ ನಡೆದ ಹೋರಾಟದಲ್ಲಿ ಬ್ರಿಟಿಷರ ವಿರುದ್ಧ ಕಿತ್ತೂರು ಸಂಸ್ಥಾನ ಜಯ ಸಾಧಿಸಿತು. ಆದರೆ 2ನೇ ಯುದ್ಧದಲ್ಲಿ ಚನ್ನಮ್ಮ ಸೋತು ಬ್ರಿಟಿಷರಿಗೆ ಸೆರೆಯಾಗಿ 1829 ಫೆ.2ರಂದು ಬೈಲಹೊಂಗಲದ ಕಾರಾಗೃಹದಲ್ಲಿ ದೇಹತ್ಯಾಗ ಮಾಡುತ್ತಾಳೆ.

ಹೆಸರಿಗಷ್ಟೇ ಅಭಿವೃದ್ಧಿ ಪ್ರಾಧಿಕಾರ

ಕಿತ್ತೂರು ಸಂಸ್ಥಾನಕ್ಕೆ ಸಂಬಂಧಿಸಿದ ಸ್ಥಳಗಳ ಅಭಿವೃದ್ಧಿಗಾಗಿ ಬಿ.ಎಸ್.ಯಡಿಯೂರಪ್ಪ ಸಿಎಂ ಆಗಿದ್ದಾಗ ಕಿತ್ತೂರು ಅಭಿವೃದ್ಧಿ ಪ್ರಾಧಿಕಾರ ರಚಿಸಲಾಗಿತ್ತು. ಆಗ ಪ್ರಾಧಿಕಾರದಿಂದ ಸಣ್ಣಪುಟ್ಟ ಕೆಲಸಗಳೂ ನಡೆದಿದ್ದವು. ಆದರೆ, ಹಾಲಿ ಮುಖ್ಯಮಂತ್ರಿ ಸಿದ್ದರಾಮಯ್ಯ ಪ್ರಾಧಿಕಾರದ ಅಧ್ಯಕ್ಷರಾದ ಮೇಲೆ ಹೇಳಿಕೊಳ್ಳುವಂಥ ಯಾವ ಅಭಿವೃದ್ಧಿ ಕೆಲಸವೂ ನಡೆದಿಲ್ಲ. ಇತಿಹಾಸವನ್ನು ಸಮಗ್ರವಾಗಿ ಅಭ್ಯಸಿಸದವರು ಹಾಗೂ ರಾಜಕೀಯ ವ್ಯಕ್ತಿಗಳೇ ಪ್ರಾಧಿಕಾರದ ಸದಸ್ಯರಾಗಿದ್ದರಿಂದ ಅಭಿವೃದ್ಧಿ ಕೆಲಸಗಳು ಆಗುತ್ತಿಲ್ಲ; ಕೇವಲ ಮಹಾದ್ವಾರಗಳ ನಿರ್ವಣಕ್ಕೆ ಮಾತ್ರ ಪ್ರಾಧಿಕಾರದ ಕೆಲಸ ಸೀಮಿತವಾಗಿದೆ ಎಂದು ಚನ್ನಮ್ಮ ಅಭಿಮಾನಿಗಳು ಆರೋಪಿಸುತ್ತಾರೆ.

ಪ್ರವಾಸಿತಾಣವಾಗುವುದೆಂದು?: ಐತಿಹಾಸಿಕ ಕಿತ್ತೂರನ್ನು ಪ್ರವಾಸಿತಾಣವಾಗಿ ಅಭಿವೃದ್ಧಿಪಡಿಸಬೇಕೆಂಬುದು ಇಲ್ಲಿನ ಜನರ ದಶಕಗಳ ಬೇಡಿಕೆ. ಸರ್ಕಾರವೂ ಪ್ರತಿವರ್ಷ ಪ್ರವಾಸೋದ್ಯಮಕ್ಕೆ ಪೂರಕವಾಗಿ ಹಲವು ಯೋಜನೆಗಳನ್ನು ಹಾಕಿಕೊಳ್ಳುತ್ತ ಬಂದಿದೆ. ಆದರೆ, ಅವ್ಯಾವವೂ ಅನುಷ್ಠಾನಗೊಂಡಿಲ್ಲ. ಕಿತ್ತೂರು ಉತ್ಸವ ನಡೆಯುವ ಅಕ್ಟೋಬರ್ ತಿಂಗಳು ಬಿಟ್ಟರೆ, ಪ್ರವಾಸಿಗರು ಇತ್ತ ಸುಳಿಯುವುದು ಕಡಿಮೆ. ಇಷ್ಟಾಗಿಯೂ ಕಿತ್ತೂರು ಕೋಟೆ ನೋಡಲು ಬಂದವರಿಗೆ ನಿರಾಸೆಯೇ ಹೆಚ್ಚು.

ಹೊರಬಾರದ ಸಮಗ್ರ ಸಾಹಿತ್ಯ: ಕಿತ್ತೂರು ಸಂಸ್ಥಾನದ ಸಮಗ್ರ ವಿವರ ಇನ್ನೂ ಲಭ್ಯವಿಲ್ಲ. ಮಹಾರಾಷ್ಟ್ರದ ಪುಣೆ ಹಾಗೂ ಲಂಡನ್​ನಲ್ಲಿ ಕಿತ್ತೂರು ಸಂಸ್ಥಾನಕ್ಕೆ ಸಂಬಂಧಿಸಿದ ದಾಖಲೆಗಳಿವೆ ಎಂದು ಹಲವರು ಹೇಳುತ್ತಾರೆ. ಆದರೆ, ಅವುಗಳನ್ನು ತಂದು ಕ್ರೋಡೀಕರಿಸುವ ಕೆಲಸ ಆಗಿಯೇ ಇಲ್ಲ. ‘ಈ ದಾಖಲೆಗಳನ್ನೆಲ್ಲ ತಂದರೆ ಕಿತ್ತೂರು ಸಂಸ್ಥಾನದ ಬಗ್ಗೆ ಆಳವಾಗಿ ಅಭ್ಯಸಿಸಲು ಸಹಾಯಕವಾಗುತ್ತದೆ‘ ಎಂದು ಕಿತ್ತೂರು ಕಲ್ಮಠದ ಮಡಿವಾಳ ರಾಜಯೋಗೀಂದ್ರ ಸ್ವಾಮೀಜಿ ಹೇಳುತ್ತಾರೆ. ಬೆಳಗಾವಿ ಸಮೀಪದ ಭೂತರಾಮನಹಟ್ಟಿಯಲ್ಲಿ ರಾಣಿ ಚನ್ನಮ್ಮ ವಿಶ್ವವಿದ್ಯಾಲಯವಿದೆ. ಅಲ್ಲಿ ಚನ್ನಮ್ಮನ ಹೆಸರಲ್ಲಿ ಅಧ್ಯಯನ ಪೀಠ ಸ್ಥಾಪಿಸಿ ವಿದ್ಯಾರ್ಥಿಗಳಿಂದ ಇತಿಹಾಸ ಸಾರುವ ಸಂಶೋಧನೆ ಹಾಗೂ ಎಂ.ಫಿಲ್ ಕೈಗೊಳ್ಳಲು ರಾಜ್ಯ ಸರ್ಕಾರವು ಪ್ರೇರಣೆ ತುಂಬಬೇಕು ಎನ್ನುತ್ತಾರೆ ರಾಜಯೋಗೀಂದ್ರ ಸ್ವಾಮೀಜಿ.

ಬೈಲಹೊಂಗಲದಲ್ಲಿ ಸಮಾಧಿ: ಬೈಲಹೊಂಗಲದಲ್ಲಿ ಚನ್ನಮ್ಮನನ್ನು ಸಮಾಧಿ ಮಾಡಲಾಗಿದೆ. ಈ ಸಮಾಧಿಯನ್ನು ರಾಷ್ಟ್ರೀಯ ಸ್ಮಾರಕವನ್ನಾಗಿ ಮಾಡಬೇಕೆಂಬುದು ಇಲ್ಲಿನ ಜನರ ದಶಕಗಳ ಬೇಡಿಕೆ. ಆದರೆ, ಸಣ್ಣ-ಪುಟ್ಟ ಕಾಮಗಾರಿಗಳು ನಡೆದಿದ್ದು ಬಿಟ್ಟರೆ, ರಾಷ್ಟ್ರೀಕ ಸ್ಮಾರಕವಾಗಿ ರೂಪುಗೊಳ್ಳುವ ಲಕ್ಷಣಗಳು ಅಲ್ಲಿ ಗೋಚರಿಸುತ್ತಿಲ್ಲ. ಕಿತ್ತೂರು ಚನ್ನಮ್ಮನ ಜನ್ಮಸ್ಥಳ ಬೆಳಗಾವಿ ತಾಲೂಕಿನ ಕಾಕತಿ ಗ್ರಾಮ. ಅಲ್ಲಿ ಚನ್ನಮ್ಮ ಜನ್ಮತಳೆದ ಮನೆ ಕುಸಿದು ಬಿದ್ದಿದ್ದು, ಐತಿಹಾಸಿಕ ಕಾಕತಿ ಕೋಟೆಯೂ ಬೀಳುತ್ತ ಸಾಗಿದೆ. ಕೋಟೆ ಅಭಿವೃದ್ಧಿ ಆಗಬೇಕು ಮತ್ತು ಚನ್ನಮ್ಮ ವಾಸಿಸುತ್ತಿದ್ದ ಮನೆಯನ್ನು ಪ್ರವಾಸಿ ಸ್ಥಳವನ್ನಾಗಿ ಮಾಡಬೇಕೆಂಬ ಬೇಡಿಕೆಯಿದೆ.

ಸರ್ಕಾರ ಕಿತ್ತೂರು ಚನ್ನಮ್ಮನ ಇತಿಹಾಸದ ಬಗ್ಗೆ ಲಕ್ಷ್ಯ ವಹಿಸುತ್ತಿಲ್ಲ. ಕಿತ್ತೂರನ್ನು ಐತಿಹಾಸಿಕ ಸ್ಥಳವನ್ನಾಗಿಸುವ ನಿಟ್ಟಿನಲ್ಲಿ ಕ್ರಮ ಕೈಗೊಳ್ಳುತ್ತಿಲ್ಲ. ಕೂಡಲೇ ಈ ಕೆಲಸ ಆಗಬೇಕಿದೆ.

ಮಡಿವಾಳ ರಾಜಯೋಗೀಂದ್ರ ಸ್ವಾಮೀಜಿ ಕಲ್ಮಠ ಕಿತ್ತೂರು

ಉತ್ಸವ-ಜಯಂತಿ ಗೊಂದಲ

ಕಿತ್ತೂರು ಸಂಸ್ಥಾನ ಬ್ರಿಟಿಷರನ್ನು ಸದೆಬಡಿದ ನೆನಪಿಗಾಗಿ ಕಿತ್ತೂರಲ್ಲಿ ಕಳೆದೆರಡು ದಶಕಗಳಿಂದ ಸರ್ಕಾರ ಅ.23ರಿಂದ 25ರವರೆಗೆ ವಿಜಯೋತ್ಸವ ಆಚರಿಸುತ್ತ ಬಂದಿದೆ. ಚನ್ನಮ್ಮನ ಜನ್ಮದಿನ ಎಂದು ಹೇಳಲಾಗುವ ನ.14ರಂದು ಕಿತ್ತೂರಿನ ಕಲ್ಮಠದಲ್ಲೇ ಚನ್ನಮ್ಮನ ಜಯಂತಿಯನ್ನು ಆಯೋಜಿಸಲಾಗುತ್ತದೆ. ಈ ಮಧ್ಯೆ ಸರ್ಕಾರ ದಿಢೀರೆಂದು 23ರಂದು ನಡೆಯುವ ಉತ್ಸವದಲ್ಲೇ ಚನ್ನಮ್ಮ ಜಯಂತಿ ಆಚರಣೆಗೂ ಮುಂದಾಗಿದ್ದುದು ತೀವ್ರ ಅಸಮಾಧಾನಕ್ಕೆ ಕಾರಣವಾಗಿತ್ತು. ಹೀಗಾಗಿ ಸರ್ಕಾರ ಜಯಂತಿ ಆಚರಣೆಯಿಂದ ಹಿಂದೆ ಸರಿದಿದೆ.

23 ಎಕರೆ ಪ್ರದೇಶ

ಚನ್ನಮ್ಮನ ಇತಿಹಾಸ ಸಾರುವ ಕಿತ್ತೂರು ಕೋಟೆಯು ಒಟ್ಟು 23 ಎಕರೆ ಪ್ರದೇಶದಲ್ಲಿ ನಿರ್ವಣಗೊಂಡಿದೆ. ಇಲ್ಲಿ ಐತಿಹಾಸಿಕ ಕುರುಹುಗಳ ಜತೆಗೆ, ವಸ್ತು ಸಂಗ್ರಹಾಲಯವೂ ಇದೆ. ಸಂಗ್ರಹಾಲಯದಲ್ಲಿ ಹಲವು ಮಹತ್ವದ ಶಾಸನಗಳು, ವೀರಗಲ್ಲುಗಳು, ಬ್ರಿಟಿಷರ ವಿರುದ್ಧದ ಯುದ್ಧದ ವೇಳೆ ಸೈನಿಕರು ಬಳಸಿದ್ದ ಸಾಮಗ್ರಿಗಳು, ಆ ವೇಳೆ ಧರಿಸಿದ್ದ ಸಮವಸ್ತ್ರಗಳು ಇವೆ. ಪ್ರವಾಸಿಗರು ವಸ್ತು ಸಂಗ್ರಹಾಲಯಕ್ಕೆ ಭೇಟಿ ನೀಡಿ ಮಾಹಿತಿ ಪಡೆಯುತ್ತಾರೆ.

ಕಲ್ಮಠದಿಂದ ಮಾರ್ಗದರ್ಶನ

ಬ್ರಿಟಿಷರ ವಿರುದ್ಧ ಹೋರಾಡಿದ ಚನ್ನಮ್ಮನಿಗೆ ಕಿತ್ತೂರು ರಾಜಸಂಸ್ಥಾನ ಕಲ್ಮಠ ಮಾರ್ಗದರ್ಶನ ಮಾಡುತ್ತ ಬಂದಿತ್ತು. ಅಲ್ಲದೆ ಧಾರ್ವಿುಕ, ರಾಜಕೀಯ, ಸಾಮಾಜಿಕ, ಸಾಂಸ್ಕೃತಿಕ ಹಾಗೂ ಯುದ್ಧತಂತ್ರಗಳ ಬಗ್ಗೆ ತಿಳಿವಳಿಕೆ ನೀಡುತ್ತಿತ್ತು ಎಂದು ಪೂರ್ವಜರು ಹೇಳುತ್ತಾರೆ. ಕಿತ್ತೂರು ಅರಸರಿಗೆ ಮಾರ್ಗದರ್ಶನ ನೀಡಿದ್ದ ರಾಜಗುರು ಸಂಸ್ಥಾನ ಕಲ್ಮಠದ ಆವರಣದಲ್ಲಿರುವ ರಾಜರ ಸಮಾಧಿಗಳು ಮತ್ತು ಚೌಕಿ ಮಠದಲ್ಲಿರುವ ರಾಜಗುರುಗಳ ಸಮಾಧಿಗಳು ಅವಸಾನದಂಚಿಗೆ ತಲುಪಿವೆ.

ಅರಮನೀ ಕಟ್ಟಬೇಕ್ರೀ

ಕಿತ್ತೂರು ಉತ್ಸವ ಇದ್ದಾಗ ಅಧಿಕಾರಿಗೋಳ್ ತಡಬಾಯಿಸಿ ಇಲ್ಲಿಗೇ ಬರ್ತಾರು. ಮತ್ತ ಇತ್ತ ಸುಳಿಯೂದ್ ಇಲ್ಲ. ಕಾಟಾಚಾರಕ್ಕ ಚನ್ನಮ್ಮನ ಉತ್ಸವ ಮಾಡಾಕತ್ತಾರು. ಚನ್ನಮ್ಮ ವಾಸಿಸುತ್ತಿದ್ದ ಮನೆ ಬಿದ್ದಿದ್ದು, ಅಲ್ಲಿನ ಜಾಗವನ್ನ ಸರ್ಕಾರ ವಶಕ್ಕ ಪಡದ ಅಲ್ಲಿ ಅರಮನೀ ಕಟ್ಟಬೇಕ್ರೀ. ಈ ಬಗ್ಗೆ ಸಿಎಂ ಸಿದ್ದರಾಮಯ್ಯ, ಹಿಂದಿನ ಸಿಎಂ ಯಡಿಯೂರಪ್ಪ ಮತ್ತು ಕುಮಾರಸ್ವಾಮಿಗೂ ಮನವಿ ಸಲ್ಲಿಸಿದ್ದೇವೆ ಎಂದು ಕಾಕತಿ ಗ್ರಾಮದಲ್ಲಿರುವ ಚನ್ನಮ್ಮನ ವಂಶಸ್ಥ ಬಾಬಾಸಾಹೇಬ ದೇಸಾಯಿ ಹೇಳುತ್ತಾರೆ.

 

ಹೀಗಿದೆ ಕಾಕತಿ ಗ್ರಾಮ

ಬೆಳಗಾವಿ ತಾಲೂಕಿನ ಕಾಕತಿ ಗ್ರಾಮ ಜಿಲ್ಲಾಕೇಂದ್ರದಿಂದ ಎಂಟು ಕಿಮೀ ದೂರದಲ್ಲಿದೆ. ಇಲ್ಲಿ ಚನ್ನಮ್ಮನ ವಂಶದ 6ನೇ ತಲೆಮಾರಿನ ಮೂರು ಕುಟುಂಬಗಳು ವಾಸಿಸುತ್ತಿವೆ. ಚನ್ನಮ್ಮ ತಂದೆ-ತಾಯಿಯೊಂದಿಗೆ ವಾಸಿಸುತ್ತಿದ್ದ ಮನೆ ಕುಸಿದಿದೆ. 1 ಎಕರೆ, 10 ಗುಂಟೆ ಖಾಲಿ ಜಾಗ ಮಾತ್ರವಿದೆ. ಈ ಜಾಗವನ್ನು ರಾಜ್ಯ ಸರ್ಕಾರ ಕುಟುಂಬಸ್ಥರಿಗೆ ಹಣ ನೀಡಿ ಖರೀದಿಸಿ, ಅಲ್ಲಿ ಮ್ಯೂಸಿಯಂ ಹಾಗೂ ಬಾಲಕಿಯರ ವಸತಿ ನಿಲಯ ನಿರ್ವಿುಸಬೇಕೆಂದು ಹಲವು ಸಲ ಮನವಿ ಸಲ್ಲಿಸಿದ್ದೇವೆ. ಆದರೆ, ಈವರೆಗೆ ಬೇಡಿಕೆ ಈಡೇರಿಲ್ಲ. ಕಾಕತಿ ಗ್ರಾಮದಿಂದ ಮೇಲ್ಭಾಗದಲ್ಲಿರುವ ಶೇ. 75 ಕೋಟೆಯ ಅವಶೇಷಗಳು ಬೀಳುತ್ತಿದ್ದರೂ, ಸರ್ಕಾರ ಗಮನಹರಿಸುತ್ತಿಲ್ಲವೆಂದು ಕಾಕತಿ ಗ್ರಾಮದ ಚನ್ನಮ್ಮ ವಿಜಯೋತ್ಸವ ಸಮಿತಿ ಅಧ್ಯಕ್ಷ ಡಾ.ಎಸ್.ಡಿ.ಪಾಟೀಲ ಹೇಳಿದ್ದಾರೆ.

{Courtesy: ವಿಜಯವಾಣಿ; (Sunday, 22.10.2017)}

Ayodhya Welcomes Prabhu Sri Ram

Welcoming Prabhu Sri Ram to Ayodhya with nearly 1.7 lakh diyas (earthen lamps) at Ram ki Paudi, marked the grand celebrations of Deepavali this year (Vikram Samvat 2074), while a helicopter decorated as “Pushpak Viman” carried Prabhu Ram, Mata Sita and Lakshman Bhayya who were symbolically represented by artists, descended on the Ram Katha Park near Sarayu river in Ayodhya, at the birth place of Sri Ram.

The grand event of this magnitude has happened nearly after “490 years” to the delight of all Bharatiyas filling the spiritual fervor and happiness, reminding us of the nostalgic era of Bharatiya Itihas – Ramayana.

It was in the year 1527 AD, that “Sri Rama Mandir” in Ayodhya was destroyed and demolished by Baburthe barbarous invader. Most celebrations since then were subdued in Ayodhya. Even after Bharat attained independence in 1947, nothing of this magnitude could ever have been imagined. Let alone celebrations, the very birth place of Prabhu Ram was itself challenged and his very existence questioned! The need for a grand Mandir at Ayodhya is still a distant dream, which is being continuously debated and challenged in courts.

The then CM of UP, Mulayam Singh Yadav inorder to checkmate the Mandir movement had ordered indiscriminate firing at Karsevaks and Hindu pilgrims at Ayodhya, only to appease certain sections of the society with his vote-bank politics. The firing at Karsevaks took place on October 30, 1990, when the Ram Mandir movement, spearheaded by Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP), was at its peak.

This year’s grand Deepavali celebrations led by Honorable Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh, Yogi Adityanath, has brought back the glory to Ayodhya in memory of the day when Prabhu Sri Ram along with Seetha mata and Lakshman Bhayya, had returned to Ayodhya as a Victorious King.

Also, these grand celebrations acquire a spiritual and the political significance, as this is the same Sarayu ghat, where Karsevaks were fired upon by police on the orders of the then CM of UP, Mulayam Singh.

By lighting around 2 lakh Diyas, Hon.CM Yogi Adityanath has paid respects to our beloved “Karsevaks” on the banks of river “Sarayu”. These grand celebrations with offering of “Maha aArati” signified the welcoming of Prabhu Sri Ram have once again rekindled hope in Crores of Rama Bhakts, who can reassert and feel proud of being a Hindu. The awakened Hindu has sensed that our festivals and the celebrations are the ones that have kept Hindutva alive, and hence will no longer tolerate any more onslaughts against Hindu ethos.

That is why, DESPITE judicial overreach by the ‘milords’ of Supreme Court to curtail Deepavali celebrations on ‘experimental’ basis, the entire Bharat has gloriously burst the Deepavali crackers, and more this time!

May Prabhu Sri Ram continue to inspire us towards Rama Rajya, a Dharmic way of life.
Jai Sriram. Shubh Deepavali. सियावर रामचंद्र की जय, शुभ दीपावलि.

More pictures at: Ayodhya Welcomes Sri Rama

Coverage in Press:

1.Hon.CM Yogi Adityanath Offers Prayers On The Banks Of River Sarayu.

2. Hon.CM Yogi Adityanath celebrates Diwali in Ayodhya.

3. अयोध्या में भव्य दीपावली महोत्सव.

4. Reuters Video: http://www.reuters.tv/v/anH/2017/10/19/insight-indian-city-lights-up-on-eve-of-diwali

5. Video on Ayodhya Movement:

 

రోహింగ్యా అక్రమ వలసలు… భద్రతకు సవాలు!

రోహింగ్యాలను వెనక్కి పంపాల్సిందే

శరణార్థుల స్థితిగతులపై 1951నాటి అంతర్జాతీయ తీర్మానంపై భారత్‌ సంతకం చేయలేదు. శరణార్థులను వెనక్కి తిప్పి పంపరాదన్న నిబంధన ఆ తీర్మానంలోనే ఉంది. శరణార్థుల పట్ల అనుసరించాల్సిన విధివిధానాలపై 1967లో కుదిరిన ‘ప్రొటోకాల్‌’నూ మన దేశం ఆమోదించలేదు. కాబట్టి ‘సమితి’ నేతృత్వంలో శరణార్థులకు సంబంధించి కుదిరిన ఒడంబడికలు, తీర్మానాలతో భారత్‌కు సంబంధమే లేదు. అలాంటప్పుడు 1951నాటి తీర్మానానికి కట్టుబడి రోహింగ్యాలను వెనక్కి తిప్పి పంపరాదు… అనే వాదనకు అర్థమే లేదు!

వీళ్లకు దేశం పట్టదు, జాతి సంక్షేమం గిట్టదు, 130 కోట్ల భారత ప్రజల భద్రత ఏ గాలిలో కలిసినా వీరి తలకెక్కదు! మానవ హక్కుల పేరిట మొసలి కన్నీళ్లు కార్చే ఈ నయా ఉదారవాదులకు కావలసిందల్లా అయినదానికీ కానిదానికీ ప్రభుత్వాన్ని పట్టుకుని తిట్టిపొయ్యడం! పాకిస్థానీ ఉగ్రవాద సంస్థలతో ప్రత్యక్ష సంబంధాలున్న వేల సంఖ్యలోని రోహింగ్యాలు భారత్‌లోకి అక్రమంగా వలసవస్తే- వారి తరఫున వకాల్తా పుచ్చుకొని గొంతు చించుకుంటున్నవారిది పూర్తి బాధ్యతారాహిత్యం.

ఉగ్రవాదులతో సంబంధాలున్న రోహింగ్యాలు భారత్‌లో అక్రమంగా స్థిరపడితే జాతి భద్రతకు తూట్లు పడతాయి. దేశ పౌరుల సంక్షేమం సంక్షోభంలో కూరుకుపోతుంది. జాతి భవిష్యత్తు దారుణ ప్రమాదంలో పడినా కించిత్తు కూడా బాధపడని ఈ పేరుగొప్ప మానవతావాదులు- భారత పౌరుల సంక్షేమం కన్నా రోహింగ్యాల బాగోగులే తమకు ముఖ్యమన్నట్లుగా ప్రవర్తిస్తున్నారు.

ఇది ఘోరం… నేరం!

రోహింగ్యాలకు మద్దతుగా వినిపిస్తున్న వాదనలు ఆందోళన కలిగిస్తున్నాయి. ప్రజలను తప్పుదోవ పట్టించే అభిప్రాయాలు, వాదనలు ప్రచారంలోకి వస్తున్నాయి. రోహింగ్యాలు భారత్‌లోకి కేవలం శరణార్థులుగా మాత్రమే ప్రవేశించారని, వారిని ‘అక్రమ వలసదారులు’ అనడం సబబు కాదన్న వాదనను కొందరు బలంగా వినిపిస్తున్నారు. అంతర్జాతీయ ఒడంబడికలకు కట్టుబడి రోహింగ్యాలకు ఆశ్రయం కల్పించాల్సిన బాధ్యత భారత ప్రభుత్వంపై ఉందన్నది వారి వాదన. ఐక్యరాజ్య సమితి సారథ్యంలో కుదిరిన ఒడంబడికలపై భారత్‌ సంతకం చేసిందని, దాని ప్రకారం శరణార్థులను వెనక్కి తిప్పి పంపడం అంతర్జాతీయ చట్టాల ఉల్లంఘన అవుతుందని, కాబట్టి రోహింగ్యాలను అక్కున చేర్చుకోవాలని వీరు వాదిస్తున్నారు. అయితే ఆ వాదన పూర్తిగా సత్యదూరం. రోహింగ్యాలు శరణార్థులు కాదు. కాబట్టి శరణార్థులకు ఉండే హక్కులు వారికి వర్తించవు! లక్షల సంఖ్యలో బంగ్లాదేశీయులు భారత్‌లోకి అక్రమంగా జొరబడి దేశవ్యాప్తంగా పాకిపోయారు. రోహింగ్యాలు ఏ రకంగానూ అందుకు భిన్నం కాదు.

రోహింగ్యాలను తిప్పి పంపడం రాజ్యాంగంలోని మూడో భాగంలో పొందుపరచిన ప్రాథమిక హక్కులకు వ్యతిరేకమని కొందరు వాదిస్తున్నారు. మన రాజ్యాంగం ప్రవచించిన ప్రాథమిక హక్కులు చాలావరకు భారత పౌరులకే వర్తిస్తాయి. అక్రమంగా దేశంలోకి చొచ్చుకు వచ్చిన వారంతా తమకు ఆ హక్కులు వర్తింపజేయాలని వాదించడం అర్థరహితం! రాజ్యాంగంలోని కొన్ని నిబంధనలు ‘వ్యక్తుల’(పర్సన్స్‌)కు వర్తిస్తాయని- అత్యధిక నిబంధనలు ‘పౌరుల’(సిటిజెన్స్‌)కు అనువర్తిస్తాయనీ లిఖించారు. ఈ చిన్నపాటి తేడాను తమకు అనుకూలంగా మలచుకోవడానికి రోహింగ్యాల అనుకూలురు ప్రయత్నిస్తున్నారు. పౌరులకు వర్తింపజేసే హక్కులను అక్రమ చొరబాటుదారులకూ కల్పించాలని అడ్డంగా వాదిస్తున్నారు. రాజ్యాంగంలోని 14వ అధికరణ, చట్టం ముందు అందరూ సమానులేనని చెబుతోంది. ప్రాణ రక్షణ, వ్యక్తిగత స్వేచ్ఛ గురించి 21వ అధికరణం ప్రస్తావిస్తోంది. ఈ రాజ్యాంగ అధికరణలు ‘వ్యక్తులంద’రికీ వర్తిస్తాయి కాబట్టి- ఆ మేరకు రోహింగ్యాలకూ రక్షణ కల్పించాలన్న వాదన పూర్తిగా కొట్టిపారేయలేనిదే. అయితే సరిహద్దులు దాటుకుని దేశంలోకి చొరబడిన అక్రమ వలసదారులందరికీ- భారత పౌరులకు వర్తింపజేసే హక్కులు ఉండాలనడం అసమంజసం. భావ వ్యక్తీకరణ స్వేచ్ఛతోపాటు- దేశంలో ఏ ప్రాంతానికైనా నిరభ్యంతరంగా వెళ్ళేందుకు, నివాసం ఉండేందుకు, స్థిరపడేందుకు రాజ్యాంగంలోని 19వ అధికరణ వీలు కల్పిస్తోంది. భారత పౌరులకు మాత్రమే పరిమితమైన హక్కులు ఇవి! ఈ హక్కులను చొరబాటుదారులకూ కల్పించాలనడం అహేతుకం, అర్థరహితం! దేశ పౌరుల ప్రాథమిక హక్కులకు రక్షణ కల్పించడం భారత ప్రభుత్వ బాధ్యత. అక్రమ చొరబాటుదారుల కారణంగా జనాభా స్వరూప స్వభావాల్లో; సామాజిక, ఆర్థిక రంగాల్లో తలెత్తే సమస్యలనుంచి పౌరులను కాపాడుకోవాల్సిన బాధ్యత కూడా భారత ప్రభుత్వంపై ఉంది. పైపెచ్చు ‘విదేశీయుల చట్టం’ ప్రకారం అక్రమంగా వలసవచ్చిన ప్రతి ఒక్కరినీ దేశంనుంచి బయటకు పంపివేయడం ప్రభుత్వ విధి!

చేదు నిజాలు

దేశ సరిహద్దుల వెంబడి అన్ని చోట్లా కంచె లేదు. దురదృష్టవశాత్తూ చాలావరకు మన సరిహద్దులు చొరబాట్లకు వీలు కల్పించేవిగానే ఉన్నాయి. ఫలితంగా గడచిన కొన్ని దశాబ్దాలుగా దేశం అక్రమ చొరబాట్ల తాకిడికి గురవుతోంది. ఈ చొరబాట్ల కారణంగా సరిహద్దులను ఆనుకుని ఉన్న వివిధ జిల్లాల్లో సామాజిక వర్గాల సమతుల్యత గణనీయంగా మారిపోతోంది. దాదాపుగా ఈ జిల్లాలన్నింటినీ చొరబాటుదారులు ఆక్రమించేశారు. ఫలితంగా కనీస సౌకర్యాలు అందుబాటులో లేని, ప్రాథమిక హక్కులకూ నోచుకోని దురవస్థలో అక్కడి భారతీయ పౌరులు దుర్బర స్థితి అనుభవిస్తున్నారు. ఉగ్రవాద మూకలతో ఈ చొరబాటుదారులు నేరుగా సంబంధాలు నెరపుతూ దేశంలో సృష్టించిన హింసాకాండ గురించి కొత్తగా చెప్పుకోవాల్సిన అవసరం లేదు. వేల సంఖ్యలో దేశ పౌరులు, భద్రతా దళాలను ఈ మూకలు పొట్టనపెట్టుకున్నాయి.

రోహింగ్యాలవల్ల దేశ భద్రత తీవ్ర ప్రమాదంలో పడుతుందనేందుకు చాలినన్ని ఆధారాలున్నాయి. భారతీయ భద్రతా సంస్థలు ఆ మేరకు పూర్తి సాక్ష్యాలు సేకరించాయి. పాకిస్థానీ ఉగ్ర సంస్థలతో ప్రత్యక్ష సంబంధాలున్న కొందరు రోహింగ్యాలు- సరిహద్దుల ఆవలనుంచి అందుతున్న సంకేతాల ప్రకారమే జమ్ము, దిల్లీ, హైదరాబాద్‌ వంటి ప్రాంతాలకు తరలివెళ్ళినట్లు భారతీయ భద్రతా విభాగాలవద్ద సమాచారం ఉంది. ఇలాంటివారివల్ల దేశ అంతర్గత భద్రత పెను ప్రమాదంలో పడుతోంది. నకిలీ గుర్తింపు కార్డులు, పత్రాలతో దేశంలో ఇష్టానుసారం సంచరిస్తున్న ఈ రోహింగ్యాలు- హవాలా మార్గాల ద్వారా భారీయెత్తున నిధులనూ సమకూర్చుకుంటున్నట్లు వివరాలు ఉన్నాయి. రోహింగ్యాలను వెనక్కి తిప్పి పంపడం అమానవీయమని గొంతు చించుకుంటున్నవారు గుర్తించాల్సిన వాస్తవాలివి. మియన్మార్‌లోని రఖైన్‌ ప్రాంతంలో ఏం జరిగిందన్న దాన్ని గమనిస్తే కఠిన సత్యాలెన్నో వెలికివస్తాయి. ఐక్యరాజ్య సమితి మాజీ సెక్రెటరీ జనరల్‌ కోఫీ అన్నన్‌ సారథ్యంలో రఖైన్‌ ప్రాంత పరిణామాలపై నియమితమైన సలహా సంఘం వెలువరించిన నివేదిక ఎన్నో విషయాలను లోతుగా విశ్లేషించింది. సంఘర్షణకు దారితీసిన చారిత్రక కారణాలను విపులంగా చర్చించింది. 1948లో స్వాతంత్య్రం పొందిన వెన్వెంటనే మియన్మార్‌లోని రఖైన్‌లో ముస్లిం ముజాహిదీన్‌లు తిరుగుబాటు లేవదీశారు. సమాన హక్కులతోపాటు తమ ప్రాంతానికి స్వతంత్ర ప్రతిపత్తి కల్పించాలన్న డిమాండ్లతో మోసులెత్తిన తిరుగుబాటు అది’ అని కోఫీ అన్నన్‌ నివేదిక చరిత్ర మూలాలను కళ్లముందు ఉంచింది. మియన్మార్‌ ప్రభుత్వం ఆ తిరుగుబాటును అణచివేసింది.

ఆ నేపథ్యంలోనే రోహింగ్యా సంఘీభావ సంస్థ(ఆర్‌ఎస్‌ఓ) సాయుధ పోరాటానికి తెరలేపింది. హర్కత్‌ అల్‌ యకీన్‌ (తదనంతర కాలంలో ఇది అరాకన్‌ రోహింగ్యా విముక్తి సైన్యం (ఏఆర్‌ఎస్‌ఏ)గా మారింది) దేశ భద్రతా దళాలపై 2016 అక్టోబరులో పెద్దయెత్తున విరుచుకుపడింది. ‘ఆధునిక చరిత్రలో ప్రభుత్వ దళాలపై జరిగిన అతిపెద్ద ముస్లిం దాడి’గా దీన్ని కోఫీ అన్నన్‌ అభివర్ణించారు. సొంత సైన్యాలను రూపొందించుకుని, ఆయుధాలు తయారు చేసుకొని మతోన్మాదంతో దాడులకు తెగబడిన, ఏకంగా ప్రభుత్వంపైనే యుద్ధం ప్రకటించిన ఇలాంటి రోహింగ్యాలను దేశంలోకి అనుమతించాలనడం ఎంతవరకు సబబు? అలాంటి మూకలకు మన గడ్డపై స్థానం కల్పిస్తే దేశ భద్రత ఏం కావాలి? ఇప్పటికే అనేక సమస్యల్లో ఉన్న దేశానికి మరో కొత్త సమస్యను నెత్తిన మోయడం అవసరమా?

భారత పౌరులే తొలి ప్రాథమ్యంగా…

ఏ దేశానికీ చెందని జనం పెద్దయెత్తున మియన్మార్‌లో జీవిస్తున్నట్లు కోఫీ అన్నన్‌ నివేదిక స్పష్టం చేసింది. పౌరసత్వ సమస్యను సాధ్యమైనంత సత్వరం పరిష్కరిస్తే తప్ప మియన్మార్‌లో మత ఘర్షణలు సద్దుమణగవనీ అన్నన్‌ సూచించారు. ఈ సమస్యను పట్టించుకోకుండా అలాగే వదిలి వేస్తే మనుషుల మధ్య అంతరాలు మరింత పెరుగుతాయని, మానవతా సంక్షోభం ముమ్మరిస్తుందని, అభద్రత ప్రబలుతుందనీ కోఫీ అన్నన్‌ నివేదిక హెచ్చరించింది. భారత ప్రభుత్వం అన్నన్‌ నివేదికలో ప్రస్తావించిన అంశాలకు సంపూర్ణ మద్దతు పలికింది. శాంతియుత సహజీవనం, భిన్న వర్గాలమధ్య అవగాహన, న్యాయం, హుందాతనం, ప్రజాస్వామిక విలువలకు కట్టుబడి రోహింగ్యాల సమస్యను పరిష్కరించాలని భారత ప్రధాని నరేంద్ర మోదీ అభిప్రాయపడ్డారు. ఆ మేరకు భారత్‌ క్రియాశీలంగా స్పందించింది. బంగ్లాదేశ్‌లోని రోహింగ్యాలకోసం అత్యవసర సామగ్రిని, ఆహార పదార్థాలను భారీయెత్తున తరలించింది. సమస్యలు, సంక్షోభాల్లో చిక్కుకున్న ప్రజాసమూహాలతో భారత్‌ ఎప్పుడూ అత్యంత మానవీయంగానే వ్యవహరించింది. అలాంటి వారిని ఆదరించి అక్కున చేర్చుకొంది. అయితే దేశ పౌరులను కాపాడుకోవడం భారత ప్రభుత్వ ప్రాథమిక విధి. భారత పౌరుల రక్షణకు విఘాతం కలించే ఏ విధానమైనా అహేతుకమైనదే! కాబట్టి పౌర భద్రతకు తొలి ప్రాధాన్యమిచ్చి- పరిస్థితి పూర్తిగా చేతులు దాటిపోకముందే రోహింగ్యాలను ప్రభుత్వం వెనక్కి తిప్పి పంపాలి.

(శుక్రవారం, అక్టోబర్ 06, 2017, ఈనాడు దినపత్రిక సౌజన్యం తో…)

 

(రచయితడా. ఎ. సూర్యప్రకాశ్, ప్రసార భారతి అధ్యక్షులు).

Rohingya Issue: National Security Must Prevail (In English)

Rohingya Issue: National Security Must Prevail

It is true that India has traditionally been hospitable to people in distress but any action/policy that places the well-being of citizens in jeopardy must be rejected. Government must identify and deport the Rohingyas soon.

As in the past, bleeding heart liberals have displayed utter insensitivity to the welfare and security of India’s 1.3 billion citizens and have taken up cudgels on behalf of a bunch of illegal immigrants — the Rohingyas — many of whom have links with terrorist outfits in Pakistan and pose grave threat to national security. Putting the welfare of these illegal immigrants before those of Indian citizens, their sympathisers demand that Indian citizens set aside their apprehensions regarding their security and share the scarce resources available in the country with them.

We need to first examine some of the arguments that are being advanced on behalf of the Rohingyas in the Supreme Court and in the public fora. It is said on behalf of the Rohingyas that they are refugees and “not mere illegal immigrants” and that they are entitled protection under many international conventions to which India is a signatory, including those based on the principle of non-refoulement.

This is factually incorrect. Rohingyas are not refugees and are not entitled to the rights available to such individuals. They are like millions of Bangladeshis, who have illegally entered India and spread themselves across the country. Further, India is not a signatory to the 1951 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees. Nor is India a signatory to the 1967 Protocol Relating to Refugees. The obligation of non-refoulement (non-return) is only binding on states that are parties to the 1951 Convention.

Another recurring theme in the arguments advanced against deportation of the Rohingyas is the reference to Fundamental Rights enshrined in Part III of the Constitution of India. Most of these rights are bestowed on citizens of India and not on all and sundry. Since some articles refer to “persons”, while most others refer to “citizens”, there are attempts to obfuscate the issue by juxtaposing “persons” for “citizens” and demanding all kinds of rights for illegal immigrants.

The plea of the Rohingyas, that the right to equality before the law under Article 14 and protection of life and personal liberty enshrined in Article 21, has merit because both articles bestow this right on “persons” and not just to “citizens”. But, there are arguments that seek to equate these illegal immigrants with citizens and this must be challenged. For example, the omnibus rights in Article 19 are rights exclusively conferred on citizens, including the right to freedom of speech and expression; to move freely within the country and to reside and settle in any part of the country.

Apart from the constitutional provisions, which in any case leave no scope for ambiguity, the primary obligation of the Indian state, to protect the fundamental rights of all citizens and shield them from the vagaries of illegal immigration and the consequential demographic, social and economic problems, cannot be disputed. Apart from this, the Government must comply with the Foreigners Act under which it is bound by this law to deport an illegal immigrant.

Because of its porous borders, India has been a victim of cross-border infiltration for several decades leading to gross distortion in the demographic profile of many border districts. Consequently, Indian citizens in these districts have been deprived of the basic rights. Also, is there any need to remind anybody of the number of civilians and members of the security forces who have been killed by these terrorists who have crossed into India?

As regards the Rohingyas, the national security apparatus has sufficient inputs to indicate that their presence within the country has serious security implications. There is information that some Rohingyas are linked to Pakistan-based terror organisations and that they have moved into cities like Jammu, Delhi and Hyderabad. These individuals prose a grave threat to our internal security. There is also evidence of them using fake Indian identity documents and mobilising funds through the hawala route.

Before jumping to conclusions and holding India responsible for the plight of the Rohingyas, it is important to take stock of the prevailing situation in the disturbed Rakhine State in Myanmar, as assessed by the Advisory Commission on Rakhine State, which was headed by Kofi Annan, former Secretary-General of the United Nations.

Going into the history of the conflict, the Kofi Annan report said that shortly after Myanmar won its independence in 1948, “a Muslim Mujahideen rebellion erupted in Rakhine, demanding equal rights and an autonomous Muslim area in the north of the State”. The rebellion was eventually defeated but the Rohingya Solidarity Organisation (RSO) revived the armed struggle later. Thereafter, the Harakat al-Yakin (later Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) attacked Government security forces in October 2016 — “it was one of the largest Muslim attacks on Government forces in living memory”.

On the Rakhine side, non-state armed groups of both nationalist and communist stripes had fought the Myanmar Army. Is it prudent to look the other way when people, who have their own armies and who have fought such fierce and bloody communal wars, cross the border infiltrate into India? Don’t we have enough problems already?

The Kofi Annan Commission has suggested various measures to bring down communal tensions, including measures to sort out the messy citizenship. It says Myanmar harbours the largest community of stateless people in the world. “If this issue is not addressed it will continue to cause significant human suffering and insecurity”. The Indian Government has rightly supported the Kofi Annan report and Prime Minister Narendra Modi has called for a solution based on peace, communal harmony, justice, dignity and democratic values. India has rushed emergency relief material to Bangladesh to deal with the influx of refugees into that country.

While it is true that India has traditionally been hospitable to people in distress, the primary responsibility of the Indian state is to protect its citizens. Any action or policy that places the well-being of citizens in jeopardy must be summarily rejected. The Government must have a citizen-first approach, identify and deport the Rohingyas before things get out of hand.

The Government should not pay heed to these bleeding hearts — specially Resident-Non-Indians and citizens of other nations — who lack the courage or the common sense to lecture their own nations but constantly seek to besmirch the name of the world’s largest democracy and the world’s most diverse, hospitable and liberal nation.

 

By Dr. A Surya Prakash (The writer is Chairman, Prasar Bharati),
Courtesy: the pioneer, Tuesday, 26 September 2017.

 

రోహింగ్యా అక్రమ వలసలు… భద్రతకు సవాలు! (తెలుగు లో … )